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	<title>Sustainable cities and communities &#8211; DDRN</title>
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		<title>Climate Change and the Risk of State Extinction: A Challenge for International Law</title>
		<link>https://ddrn.dk/20358/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Sofia Kiryttopoulou]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 24 Apr 2026 11:50:20 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Applied Sciences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Climate action]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[Climate change is usually discussed as an environmental or economic problem. For some countries, however, it represents a far more fundamental challenge: a threat to &#8230; ]]></description>
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						<section class="elementor-section elementor-top-section elementor-element elementor-element-634c7f6 elementor-section-boxed elementor-section-height-default elementor-section-height-default" data-id="634c7f6" data-element_type="section" data-e-type="section">
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									<p><span style="color: #000000;">Climate change is usually discussed as an environmental or economic problem. For some countries, however, it represents a far more fundamental challenge: a threat to their continued existence as states. Rising sea levels, coastal erosion and environmental degradation are already affecting several low-lying island countries, particularly in the Pacific and Indian Oceans.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">For states such as the Maldives, Tuvalu and Kiribati, climate change is not a distant scenario but a present reality. If sea levels continue to rise during the twenty-first century, parts of their territory may become uninhabitable or even disappear entirely. This possibility raises a primary legal question: <strong>what happens to a state if it loses its territory?</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>The Crisis of Traditional Statehood</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">International law has traditionally assumed that states are stable territorial entities. Under traditional international law, a state is defined by the criteria established in the</span> <a href="https://www.jus.uio.no/english/services/library/treaties/01/1-02/rights-duties-states.xml">1933 Montevideo Convention</a>: <span style="color: #000000;">a permanent population, a defined territory, a government, and the capacity to enter into relations with other states. Modern legal theory further emphasizes independence and the effective exercise of authority over a specific geographic area.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The climate crisis challenges this assumption. International law has historically dealt with the disappearance or transformation of states in political contexts such as war, annexation or state succession. The idea that a state might disappear due to environmental change is largely absent from existing legal frameworks. If a state were to lose its entire territory, it is unclear whether it could continue to exist as a subject of international law.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Small Island Developing States at Risk</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The states most exposed to this risk belong largely to the group of <strong>Small Island Developing States (SIDS)</strong>, a coalition of island and coastal countries that face structural vulnerabilities due to their small land area, geographic isolation and strong dependence on coastal ecosystems. According to the</span> <a href="https://www.un.org/ohrlls/content/about-small-island-developing-states">United Nations Office of the High Representative for Least Developed Countries, Landlocked Developing Countries and Small Island Developing States</a>, <span style="color: #000000;">these states are among the most vulnerable to climate change despite contributing minimally to global greenhouse gas emissions.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Many SIDS consist of coral atolls or low-lying islands where the highest elevation is only a few meters above sea level. As a result, even relatively modest sea-level rise can lead to coastal erosion, saltwater intrusion into freshwater supplies and the loss of habitable land. These pressures are already affecting communities in the Pacific and Indian Oceans and are expected to intensify throughout the century.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Because their territory is so limited, SIDS often have few options for internal relocation. This makes them particularly vulnerable not only to environmental degradation but also to the legal uncertainties that may arise if territorial loss accelerates.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Survival Strategies for Vulnerable States</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">In response to these risks, governments and scholars have begun exploring a range of potential strategies aimed at ensuring the survival of states threatened by climate change. These strategies generally fall into three broad categories: territorial adaptation, population relocation and legal innovation.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Territorial Adaptation</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">One approach focuses on preserving habitable territory through large-scale adaptation projects. These measures include coastal defenses, land reclamation and the construction of artificial islands designed to withstand rising sea levels.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Some island governments have already invested heavily in such initiatives. In the Maldives, for example, extensive land reclamation has been used to expand and elevate artificial islands such as</span> <a href="https://corporatemaldives.com/how-climate-pressures-are-influencing-male-citys-urban-planning/">Hulhumalé</a>,<span style="color: #000000;">  a reclaimed island developed as a climate-resilient urban hub and built roughly two meters above sea level to reduce flooding risks. Experimental floating infrastructure projects have also been proposed as potential long-term solutions.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">While these engineering solutions may help maintain habitable land and delay environmental pressures, they require significant financial resources and technical capacity. For many vulnerable states, implementing such large-scale projects remains a major challenge.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong> </strong><strong>Planned Relocation and Mobility</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">A second strategy focuses on the relocation of populations as environmental conditions gradually deteriorate. Relocation may take place within national territory where possible, but in some cases it may involve migration to other states through bilateral agreements.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Some governments have already begun exploring long-term relocation options. Kiribati, for instance, has pursued policies aimed at preparing its population for international mobility through education and labor migration programs, often described as a strategy of <a style="color: #000000;" href="https://www.fmreview.org/climatechange-disasters/mcnamara/?">“migration with dignity.”</a> These initiatives aim to ensure that mobility occurs gradually and voluntarily rather than as a sudden humanitarian crisis.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Although relocation strategies can help protect affected populations, they raise complex questions about citizenship, political identity and the continued functioning of state institutions.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Even when relocation is carefully planned, it exposes a critical gap in International Law: individuals forced to leave their homes due to climate-induced territorial loss currently lack clear legal protections, because they do not meet the criteria set by</span><a href="https://www.unhcr.org/media/1951-refugee-convention-and-1967-protocol-relating-status-refugees"> the 1951 Geneva Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees.</a> <span style="color: #000000;">The Convention requires a “well-founded fear of being persecuted” on grounds such as race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion, a standard that neither environmental disasters nor rising sea levels satisfy. This is why the term “climate refugee” has no formal status in international law.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">As a result, individuals displaced by the physical disappearance of their home states are denied the same legal protections or rights to asylum as political refugees, leaving their fate subject to the discretionary policies of host nations. This legal invisibility reflects a broader “crisis of identity” in the field: while the physical reality of displacement is undeniable, formal legal structures remain rooted in a pre-climate era, failing to provide a collective security framework for populations whose sovereign bond to their land has been severed by nature rather than politics.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Legal Continuity Without Territory</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">A third strategy involves the development of legal frameworks that would allow states to maintain their international legal personality even if their territory becomes uninhabitable.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Recent diplomatic initiatives suggest that such ideas are beginning to enter international practice. In 2023, Tuvalu signed the</span> <a href="https://www.dfat.gov.au/geo/tuvalu/australia-tuvalu-falepili-union-treaty">Falepili Union Treaty</a> <span style="color: #000000;">with Australia, which includes provisions recognizing the continuing statehood and sovereignty of Tuvalu despite the long-term risks posed by sea-level rise.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">In parallel, scholars have proposed additional legal approaches, such as preserving existing maritime boundaries even if coastlines retreat. These discussions are closely linked to the interpretation of maritime rights under the</span> <a href="https://www.un.org/Depts/los/convention_agreements/convention_overview_convention.htm">United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea</a>, <span style="color: #000000;">which governs the establishment of maritime zones.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Such proposals seek to ensure that vulnerable states retain control over their maritime resources and maintain their status within the international community even under changing environmental conditions.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Rethinking Statehood in the Age of Climate Change</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">None of these strategies alone provides a complete solution. Territorial adaptation may only delay environmental pressures, relocation raises difficult political and social questions, and legal innovations still require broader international recognition.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">What the experience of vulnerable island states demonstrates is that climate change challenges some of the most basic assumptions on which the international legal system has historically been built. The traditional link between territory, population and sovereignty may no longer be as stable as previously assumed.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">For this reason, the growing risk of climate-induced state extinction is not only a concern for a small group of island states. It represents a broader challenge for international law and the international community as a whole.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">As sea levels continue to rise, the central question may not simply be whether certain territories will disappear, but whether international law can evolve quickly enough to ensure that the states and populations affected by these changes are not erased from the global order.</span></p><p><em>Sofia Kiryttopoulou is studying for a Bachelor&#8217;s Degree in Balkan, Slavic and Oriental Studies. Specialization: Politics and Law, at University of Macedonia | Thessaloniki, Greece.</em></p>								</div>
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											<figcaption class="widget-image-caption wp-caption-text">Click to also read: Community well-being in Kiribati during the Covid-19 crisis, by Elena Mante</figcaption>
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										<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="575" height="530" src="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Sofia-K-IMG_3282-002-575x530.jpg" class="attachment-bam-featured size-bam-featured wp-image-19959" alt="" />											<figcaption class="widget-image-caption wp-caption-text">Sofia Kiryttopoulou</figcaption>
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		<title>Whose Arctic? Indigenous Agency in Regional Policy Formation</title>
		<link>https://ddrn.dk/20637/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Florin-Madalin Nicu]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 21 Apr 2026 13:00:16 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Applied Sciences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Life below water]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Life on land]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Natural Sciences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Peace, justice and strong institutions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Resources]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Social Sciences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sustainable cities and communities]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[The Arctic region has increasingly gained prominence not only as an area of environmental and strategic significance but as one of the most instructive arenas &#8230; ]]></description>
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									<p><span style="color: #000000;">The Arctic region has increasingly gained prominence not only as an area of environmental and strategic significance but as one of the most instructive arenas for examining the limits and possibilities of inclusive international governance. At the center of this examination stands a question that is both institutional and normative: to what extent do Arctic Indigenous peoples hold genuine agency in shaping the policies that govern the region they have inhabited for millennia? This article analyzes the role of Indigenous Permanent Participants (PPs) within the Arctic Council framework, the normative foundations of their participation rights under international law, the post-2022 institutional disruptions caused by the conflict in Ukraine, and the trajectory of Indigenous Arctic governance under Denmark&#8217;s 2025–2027 Chairship.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>The Permanent Participant Framework</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The Arctic Council, established by the Ottawa Declaration of September 19, 1996, introduced a governance innovation that remains unique in the landscape of intergovernmental institutions: the Permanent Participant (from now on it will be abbreviated as <strong>PP</strong>) category, <a style="color: #000000;" href="https://oaarchive.arctic-council.org/items/fb29e6d2-d60c-43ca-8e46-fa7a505033e0">which accords Indigenous peoples&#8217; organizations formal and continuous participation rights</a> alongside the eight Arctic member states. Six organizations currently hold this status, as detailed in Table 1 in the sidebar. Together, they represent approximately 500,000 Indigenous people across the Arctic, constituting a significant share of the region&#8217;s total population of four million.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The rights conferred by PP status are substantive. The Arctic Council&#8217;s Rules of Procedure specify that PPs may address all meetings, that their consultation must precede the adoption of meeting agendas, and that they may propose cooperative activities and projects. The Ottawa Declaration stipulates that decisions are taken by consensus of the Arctic States, with full consultation and involvement of the Permanent Participants, a formulation that defines both the formal constraint on PP power and the practical leverage it generates. While PPs cannot formally block a state decision, the mandatory consultation requirement creates strong political incentives for states to accommodate PP concerns before decisions are finalized. The Indigenous Peoples&#8217; Secretariat (IPS), operational since 1994 and predating the Arctic Council itself, provides the institutional infrastructure that allows PPs to function as genuine governance actors rather than ceremonial participants, through capacity-building, logistical support, and systematic coordination among the six organizations.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>The Normative Dimension: UNDRIP and FPIC</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The institutional framework of the Arctic Council must be assessed against the broader normative standard established by the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), adopted by the UN General Assembly in 2007. UNDRIP&#8217;s most consequential provisions for Arctic governance concern Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC). Article 19 requires states to consult and cooperate in good faith with Indigenous peoples through their own representative institutions in order to obtain their free, prior and informed consent before adopting measures that may affect them, while Article 32 extends this requirement to</span> <a href="https://www.un.org/development/desa/indigenouspeoples/wp-content/uploads/sites/19/2018/11/UNDRIP_E_web.pdf">projects affecting Indigenous lands, territories, and resources</a>. <span style="color: #000000;">The OHCHR clarifies that</span> <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/indigenous-peoples/consultation-and-free-prior-and-informed-consent-fpic">FPIC requires consent given voluntarily, sought sufficiently in advance</a>, <span style="color: #000000;">and based on complete and accessible information, a standard qualitatively distinct from consultation alone .</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The gap between this standard and the Arctic Council&#8217;s consultation-only PP framework represents the central normative tension in Arctic Indigenous governance. In practice, however, the mandatory consultation process combined with consensus-based state decision-making approximates a de facto form of influence that provides PPs with meaningful leverage over policy outcomes, even absent formal consent rights. Several Nordic Arctic states, including Norway, Finland, and Denmark, are additionally bound by</span> <a href="https://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/en/f?p=NORMLEXPUB:12100:0::NO::P12100_ILO_CODE:C169">ILO Convention No. 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples</a><span style="color: #000000;">, which creates legally enforceable consultation obligations reinforcing and extending the PP rights within the Council framework.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Policy Influence in Practice</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Each of the six PPs exercises policy influence primarily through project leadership within the Arctic Council&#8217;s working groups. The ICC co-led the PAME working group project on Meaningful Engagement of Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities in Marine Activities (2021–2023), producing internationally recognized guidelines for sustainable shipping. The</span> <a href="https://www.saamicouncil.net/en/cite">Saami Council&#8217;s Climate Impacts on Terrestrial Environments</a><span style="color: #000000;"> (CITE) project, developed with the </span><a href="https://arctic-council.org/about/working-groups/amap/">Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme (AMAP</a>)<span style="color: #000000;">, established a digital platform through which Sámi reindeer herders document seasonal landscape changes,</span><a href="https://arctic-council.org/projects/"> integrating traditional knowledge directly into scientific climate models</a>. <span style="color: #000000;">RAIPON, AIA, and AAC jointly lead the Salmon Peoples of Arctic Rivers project within the</span> <a href="https://arctic-council.org/about/working-groups/caff/">Conservation of Arctic Flora and Fauna (CAFF)</a> <span style="color: #000000;">working group, linking Indigenous subsistence practices to biodiversity monitoring across Arctic river systems. The GCI leads the ArcticFIRE wildland fire monitoring project, addressing the growing threat of climate-driven boreal fires.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">These roles reflect a model of Indigenous governance influence that operates through knowledge co-production rather than formal voting rights. Arctic Council assessment reports increasingly credit Indigenous monitoring data alongside conventional scientific sources: Inuit hunters have tracked changes in sea ice thickness and movement for generations, providing data that satellites simply cannot replicate. Sámi reindeer herders have documented shifts in grazing patterns that signal broader ecological disruption long before scientific surveys catch up, making Indigenous monitoring an addition to conventional science. The</span> <a href="https://oaarchive.arctic-council.org/server/api/core/bitstreams/118e0bce-9013-460a-81e0-1dbd0870ee05/content">Council&#8217;s Strategic Plan 2021–2030</a> <span style="color: #000000;">was explicitly co-developed between Arctic States and Permanent Participants,</span> <a href="(https:/arctic-council.org/explore/goals/">embedding Indigenous priorities into the Council&#8217;s long-term institutional vision</a>.</p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Post-2022 Disruptions and Institutional Adaptation</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The conflict in Ukraine in 2022 represented the most severe test of the Arctic Council framework since its establishment. On March 3, 2022, seven of the eight Arctic states announced a temporary pause in Council meetings and activities,</span> <a href="https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2024/754604/EPRS_BRI(2024)754604_EN.pdf">suspending the institutional channels through which PPs exercise their governance roles</a>. <span style="color: #000000;">PP responses varied significantly, as documented in Table 1. The GCI and Saami Council supported the pause while insisting on continued inclusion in resumption planning. RAIPON&#8217;s endorsement of Russian military actions created a rupture in PP unity and raised unresolved questions about the representational integrity of the PP category under conditions of state political pressure.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">In August 2023, all eight states reached consensus through written procedure on modalities for resuming working-group-level activities, consulting all six PPs throughout. In February 2024, Working Group meetings resumed virtually, described by ICC Chair Sara Olsvig as a key step in maintaining</span> <a href="https://www.arctic-council.org/news/arctic-council-working-groups-resume-virtual-meetings/">the full and effective participation of Arctic Indigenous Peoples</a>. <span style="color: #000000;">The 14th Ministerial Meeting of May 12, 2025 confirmed the Council&#8217;s institutional resilience, producing the <a style="color: #000000;" href="https://oaarchive.arctic-council.org/bitstreams/8f28b991-4cf9-4913-ab9d-e6497f6679ec/download">Romssa–Tromsø Statement</a> which reaffirmed the individual and collective rights of Arctic Indigenous Peoples and called for strengthening the capacity and project leadership role of Permanent Participants.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Denmark&#8217;s Chairship and Future Trajectories</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The Kingdom of Denmark assumed the Arctic Council Chairship on May 12, 2025, with a program placing Indigenous Peoples as the first of five thematic priorities. Greenland&#8217;s Foreign Minister Vivian Motzfeldt serves as Chair and Greenland&#8217;s Arctic Ambassador Kenneth Høegh leads the Senior Arctic Officials process, meaning an</span> <a href="https://arctic-council.org/about/kingdom-of-denmarks-chairship-2025-2027/).">Indigenous-majority territory is exercising the prerogatives of an Arctic Council Chair for the first time</a><span style="color: #000000;">. Høegh has described the Chairship&#8217;s approach to Indigenous Knowledge as practical rather than symbolic, arguing that</span> <a href="https://en.highnorthnews.com/science/the-kingdom-of-denmarks-chairship-of-the-arctic-council-unifying/1095853">combining Western research and Indigenous knowledge produces a demonstrably better analytical and policy outcome</a>.</p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The future effectiveness of Arctic governance will depend on whether the adaptations developed during the 2022–2025 crisis can sustain meaningful PP participation across the Council&#8217;s full mandate. The weakening of multilateral cooperation in the region has direct implications for SDGs 13, 14, 15, and 17, undermining the scientific collaboration and climate monitoring that underpin global environmental governance. Preserving robust Indigenous participation is not merely a question of rights fulfillment but a practical prerequisite for the legitimate and effective governance of one of the world&#8217;s most consequential and fragile regions.</span></p><p><em><a href="https://ddrn.dk/author/florin-madalin-nicu/">Florin-Madalin Nicu</a> is a student of the BACHELOR’S PROGRAM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS at Eurasian National University “L.N. Gumilyov”, Kazakhstan</em></p>								</div>
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									<h3 style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: #3366ff; font-size: 18pt;"><b>Table 1:</b> <a style="color: #3366ff;" href="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/Comparison-of-Permanent-Participants-—-Status-Influence-and-Post-2022-Positions.pdf"><strong>Comparison of Permanent Participants — Status, Influence, and Post-2022 Positions</strong></a></span></h3><p><strong><span style="color: #000000;">Sources:                                                                            </span></strong><strong><span style="color: #000000;">Arctic Council official pages, Ottawa Declaration, Iqaluit and Barrow Declarations, AC Rules of Procedure, and PP organizational websites. Admission years and formal rights from Arctic Council materials.  <a href="https://oaarchive.arctic-council.org">https://oaarchive.arctic-council.org</a></span></strong></p>								</div>
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		<title>When Local Knowledge Leads: Transforming Humanitarian Action from the Ground Up</title>
		<link>https://ddrn.dk/20228/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Daniela Padilla]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Tue, 10 Mar 2026 10:06:33 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Resources]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Social Sciences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sustainable cities and communities]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ddrn.dk/?p=20228</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[By October 2025, according to OCHA, only 23% of the global humanitarian funding required for the previous year had been met. Behind this percentage lies &#8230; ]]></description>
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						<section class="elementor-section elementor-top-section elementor-element elementor-element-14dad69 elementor-section-boxed elementor-section-height-default elementor-section-height-default" data-id="14dad69" data-element_type="section" data-e-type="section">
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									<p><span style="color: #000000;">By October 2025, according to</span> <a href="https://www.unocha.org/publications/report/world/global-humanitarian-overview-2025-enarfres">OCHA</a>, <span style="color: #000000;">only 23% of the global humanitarian funding required for the previous year had been met. Behind this percentage lies a stark reality: millions of people affected by conflict, displacement, and climate-related disasters received less support than planned, while frontline responders struggled to stretch increasingly limited resources. The shortfall reinforces a pressing question: who has access to funding, who controls it, and who ultimately decides how it is used?</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">These tensions sit at the heart of contemporary international development. Grounded in principles of solidarity and shared responsibility (articulated through agendas such as the</span> <a href="https://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/sustainable-development-goals/?utm_source=chatgpt.com">Sustainable Development Goals</a> <span style="color: #000000;">under the United Nations) development is framed not merely as technical assistance, but as a collective commitment to building more inclusive, equitable, and sustainable societies. Yet the language of partnership and multilateralism often contrasts with operational realities. International cooperation operates through complex systems of bilateral donors, multilateral institutions, development banks, civil society organizations and non-governmental organizations, where financial control and decision-making frequently remain concentrated in donor countries.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Forms of cooperation shape these power dynamics. Many developing countries have historically preferred multilateral assistance, perceiving it as less directly tied to national security or commercial interests than bilateral aid.</span> <a href="https://www.ids.ac.uk/publications/aid-on-the-edge-of-chaos-rethinking-international-cooperation-in-a-complex-world/">International aid</a> <span style="color: #000000;">has therefore been conceived not only as a mechanism for resource transfer, but as a means of addressing structural inequalities within the global system. This broader ambition, however, intensifies debates about ownership, accountability, and authority in development cooperation.</span></p><h3><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Localization as a Structural Shift in Development Practice</strong></span></h3><p><span style="color: #000000;">It is within this structural tension, between normative commitments to solidarity and the realities of asymmetrical control, that localization has emerged as one of the most significant contemporary reform agendas. By seeking to rebalance resources, authority, and decision-making toward local actors in the Global South, localization challenges operational practices and the political economy of international cooperation itself.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The agenda gained momentum at the</span> <a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2016/05/530162-whs-humanitarian-summit-has-set-new-course-says-ban-calling-action-commitments?utm_source=chatgpt.com">World Humanitarian Summit</a> <span style="color: #000000;">and through the Grand Bargain, which committed states and organizations to increase direct support to local and national actors and strengthen their institutional capacity. At its core, localization shifts development practice from externally designed, donor-driven interventions toward approaches grounded in local ownership, contextual knowledge, and community leadership — often summarized as “as local as possible, as international as necessary.”</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Local and national NGOs are widely recognized as crucial actors in humanitarian and development action. They possess contextual expertise, cultural legitimacy, and sustained community presence, often remaining long after international agencies withdraw. In many crises, they serve as first responders, maintaining access where international actors face security or logistical constraints. Consequently, NGOs play a distinctive role, emphasizing participation, civil society strengthening, and empowerment — enabling marginalized groups to articulate and defend their interests.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">However, participation has often remained consultative rather than transformative. In many cases, local actors are invited to contribute but not to lead. Localization seeks to move beyond inclusion toward ownership: the capacity to define priorities, shape strategies, and control resources.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Hence</span>, <a href="https://gblocalisation.ifrc.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/As-local-as-possible-as-international-as-necessary-Understanding-capacity-and-complementarity-in-humanitarian-action.pdf">l</a><a href="https://gblocalisation.ifrc.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/As-local-as-possible-as-international-as-necessary-Understanding-capacity-and-complementarity-in-humanitarian-action.pdf">ocalization can be understood in two ways</a>. <span style="color: #000000;">On one level, it represents an internal reform of the development architecture, improving efficiency and accountability by leveraging local knowledge in complex contexts. On a deeper level, it signals a normative shift, reimagining cooperation not merely as resource transfer but as a redistribution of authority and partnership. In this sense, localization challenges paternalistic tendencies and seeks to align practice with principles of solidarity and self-determination articulated in the UN framework.</span></p><h3><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Putting Localization into Action</strong></span></h3><p><span style="color: #000000;">As part of this process of strengthening local political agency, Street Child provides a clear example of how localization moves from concept to practice. Its approach is defined by working alongside local partners to co-design solutions grounded in community priorities rather than externally imposed templates. Through initiatives such as its flagship project</span>, <a href="https://streetchildusa.org/themes/localization/">Elevating Local Leadership in Emergencies (ELLIE)</a>, <span style="color: #000000;">Street Child engages local actors as full partners (not merely implementers) supporting them to lead programmes, access resources, and assume roles within broader humanitarian coordination structures. Partnerships are structured not only around delivery but around institutional strengthening, including support for funding access, financial and safeguarding systems, monitoring frameworks and long-term organizational autonomy.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">A central element of this model is the intentional transfer of technical expertise. Approaches such as</span> <a href="https://street-child.org/themes/learning/">Teaching at the Right Level (TaRL)</a> <span style="color: #000000;">and Accelerated Learning are embedded within local NGOs, enabling independent, high-quality delivery. Increasingly, this strategy incorporates a gender-responsive lens, recognizing women as educators, leaders, and agents of intergenerational transformation. By localizing both expertise and leadership, including women’s leadership, the aim is not only effectiveness but structural rebalancing.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">This approach is particularly visible in Uganda, where Street Child advanced localization within programmes supported by</span> <a href="https://street-child.org/explore/uganda/">Education Cannot Wait (ECW)</a>, <span style="color: #000000;">the United Nations’ global billion-dollar fund for education in emergencies and protracted crises. Under ECW’s Multi-Year Resilience Programme (MYRP) and First Emergency Response (FER) frameworks, Street Child co-established a dedicated Localization Unit to create fairer access to funding for national NGOs. By enabling them to compete equitably with international organizations, a significant share of programme funding flowed directly to national partners, strengthening locally led education responses and shifting decision-making closer to affected communities.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">In South Sudan, a similar approach has been taken through the</span> <a href="https://street-child.org/explore/south-sudan/">Education For All South Sudan (EFASS)</a> <span style="color: #000000;">programme and Street Child’s Partnership Support Unit. Here, local actors are supported to lead emergency education interventions, with hands-on guidance to manage resources, secure funding, and build robust organisational systems. This support strengthens local ownership while also embedding accountability, transparency and operational resilience. The programme actively promotes women’s leadership in schools and communities, recognizing the long-term impact of gender-equitable education on society.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">As a result, by prioritizing local expertise and leadership, Street Child demonstrates that effective interventions are rooted in the knowledge, networks, and agency of those closest to affected communities. Its model illustrates that localization is not merely a technical adjustment but a practical effort to redistribute authority and embed sustainable capacity within local institutions. In doing so, Street Child translates the normative ambitions of localization into tangible practice, offering an example of how international development can more coherently align global objectives with locally driven leadership.</span></p><h3><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Challenges Ahead</strong></span></h3><p><span style="color: #000000;">Despite its growing prominence, localization remains the subject of ongoing discussion. Financial regulations, risk-averse donor practices, and entrenched hierarchies continue to shape</span> <a href="https://www.developmentaid.org/news-stream/post/197964/how-can-localization-transform-the-international-development-sector?utm_source=chatgpt.com">development architecture</a>. <span style="color: #000000;">Meaningful localization therefore requires more than funding targets; it demands a sustained reconfiguration of relationships, incentives and accountability. It calls for trust, reciprocity, and a willingness among international actors to relinquish control that has long defined the system.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">If international development is to remain faithful to its commitments to solidarity, self-determination, and shared responsibility, localization must move beyond rhetoric. It must continue evolving as a practical effort to reshape partnerships, embed authority, and empower communities and institutions closest to crises.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">At its core, localization is about centering the knowledge, expertise, and agency of local actors. Communities bring unique insights, skills and solutions that are essential for sustainable, responsive, and effective interventions. Flexible funding, equitable collaboration, and investment in local capacities unlock these contributions, ensuring that programs are not only efficient but also contextually grounded.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Street Child’s work in Uganda, South Sudan, and other contexts demonstrates this principle in action. By supporting local actors to lead programs, access resources and participate in decision-making, it shows that empowered communities are more resilient, better able to respond to crises, and capable of sustaining long-term outcomes. The journey toward genuinely equitable, locally led humanitarian and development systems is arduous, but it is both necessary and possible, and it reminds us that the most effective solutions arise from those closest to the challenges, not imposed from afar.</span></p><p><em>Daniela Padilla has a M.Sc. International and Securiy Politics, Catholic University of Lille/ESPOL, France, and is a DDRN Intern</em></p>								</div>
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																<a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/aid-on-the-edge-of-chaos-9780199578023?cc=gb&#038;lang=en" target="_blank">
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																<a href="https://www.developmentaid.org/news-stream/post/197964/how-can-localization-transform-the-international-development-sector" target="_blank">
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																<a href="https://sdgs.un.org/goals/goal11" target="_blank">
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										<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="285" height="300" src="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/IMG_2284-285x300.jpg" class="attachment-medium size-medium wp-image-16949" alt="" srcset="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/IMG_2284-285x300.jpg 285w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/IMG_2284-973x1024.jpg 973w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/IMG_2284-768x808.jpg 768w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/IMG_2284-1460x1536.jpg 1460w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/IMG_2284.jpg 1825w" sizes="(max-width: 285px) 100vw, 285px" />											<figcaption class="widget-image-caption wp-caption-text">Daniela Padilla</figcaption>
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		<title>How Space Shapes Childhood</title>
		<link>https://ddrn.dk/19872/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Ola Sobh]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 01 Feb 2026 22:05:25 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Applied Sciences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Good health and well-being]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[Why Space Matters for Displaced Childhoods? According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), an estimated 117.3 million people were forcibly displaced worldwide &#8230; ]]></description>
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									<p><strong>Why Space Matters for Displaced Childhoods?</strong></p><p>According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees <a href="https://www.unhcr.org/refugee-statistics/insights/explainers/forcibly-displaced-pocs.html">(UNHCR)</a>, an estimated 117.3 million people were forcibly displaced worldwide by the end of 2023, including 47 million children under the age of 18. Millions of children are therefore growing up in displacement, often in environments that were never designed for childhood.</p><p>At the same time, United Nations Children’s Fund <a href="http://www.unicef.org/media/131736/file/2023-HAC-Syrian-Arab-Republic.pdf">UNICEF reports that in Syria, </a> reported that 3 million children are internally displaced, with millions out of school or at risk of dropping out. While these figures describe scale, they do not explain how displacement is lived day to day, especially in the spaces where children sleep, wait, and play. For the millions of children behind these figure, those spaces are not just housing; they shape, safety, social and emotional wellbeing, This is where <a href="https://globalgoals.org/goals/3-good-health-and-well-being/">SDG 3</a> (Good Health and Well-being) becomes relevant, not only as healthcare access, but as the daily lived conditions that determine children’s wellbeing.<br />This article asks what happens to children’s social lives when the spaces around them were never designed with childhood in mind. It argues that in both Sweden and northern Syria, space operates like a quiet form of governance that regulates children’s movement, limits who they can gather with, and makes belonging fragile which impacts their wellbeing. To examine this, the article draws on qualitative interview material collected for a 2024 master’s thesis, <a href="https://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-220697"><em>Challenging Childhoods: Children in Refugee Shelters in Sweden and Syria</em></a>.</p><p><strong>Two Settings, Same Mechanism: Space as Rule</strong></p><p>Across both settings, space shapes children’s social lives through movement rules: (where children are allowed or not allowed to be), access to child friendly spaces (where play and friendships can happen), and routine stability (mainly schooling, which determines whether social ties can form and last). What is at stake here is when space functions through permissions and prohibitions, play becomes conditional rather than supported despite the <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/convention-rights-child#:~:text=Article%2031,-1.&amp;text=States%20Parties%20shall%20respect%20and%20promote%20the%20right%20of%20the,artistic%2C%20recreational%20and%20leisure%20activity.">Convention on the Rights of the Child’s Article 31</a> of children’s right to play.</p><p>At first glance, Sweden and Syria represent two completely different displacement realities. However, both reveal how physical environments profoundly shape childhood. In Sweden, refugee shelters are often repurposed buildings like old hotels or unused institutional facilities rented by the Migration Agency. They provide water, electricity, and heating, but space is extremely limited. Rooms often contain two bunk beds and hardly a chair, and younger children are frequently not allowed to move freely. As one worker emphasized repeatedly, “the environment is very limited,” keeping children indoors for most of the day. With no shared spaces and restricted movement, children’s social life in Sweden is pushed indoors and becomes harder to sustain beyond small, unstable interactions.<br />The tension is clear: even in a welfare state like Sweden, displaced children’s childhoods can be restricted by how institutions manage space. These restrictions are shaped by factors such as, institutional arrangements housing rules and routines, and risk management that prioritise efficiency and adult order over children’s social needs.</p><p>In northern Syria, displacement takes place in open fields and between tents with almost no permanent infrastructure with weather intensifying hardship: winter floods turn the camp paths into deep mud, while summer brings dust and extreme heat. Teachers described children arriving at school “covered in red mud,” worried that their parents would punish them for ruining their clothes. Overcrowding is severe, privacy in tents is non-existent, and daily life is marked by instability. One participant put it, “The camp environment leaves a visible trace on the children’s faces and feet.”</p><p>Despite their differences, both contexts share one truth: space is not neutral. For children, it shows up as permissions and prohibitions, whether they can leave, where they can gather, how loudly they can play, and how quickly adults shut down noise and gatherings.</p><p><strong>Harsh Living Conditions and Everyday Impacts</strong></p><p>Children’s physical and emotional wellbeing is deeply affected by the environments they inhabit, as in Sweden where, overcrowded rooms, the absence of common space in addition to restrictions of movement, create what workers described as an “uninviting” atmosphere. These confinements shrink children’s opportunities to meet others, play freely, and build everyday friendships, Consequently, this affects their wellbeing.</p><p>Different in severity, similar in effect: children’s wellbeing is shaped by how space constrains movement, privacy, and social contact. In Syria on the other hand, hardship is far more severe. Interviewees described constant cycles of mud, heat, dust, and flooding. Children fall on their way to school, their books and shoes ruined, their clothes soaked. One teacher recalled how a girl cried in class because she feared her mother’s reaction to her muddy clothes. <br />The impacts of shelter spaces go beyond weather and clothing. A teacher described a young child experience during visiting a teacher’s home, the girl did not recognise a kitchen sink and asked her mother “what is that?”  This unsettling moment reveals how deprivation from basic domestic routines can reshape what children take for granted as everyday life.<br />In both settings, these conditions shape children’s sense of safety, routine, and dignity and they redefine what children come to accept as normal.</p><p><strong>When There is Nowhere to Gather<br /></strong>Across both contexts, one issue stood out clearly: the absence of safe, child friendly spaces.</p><p>In Sweden, the only designated child space is a playroom run by Save the Children Sweden volunteers opened only once a week. This provided a rare child centred space, but its limited availability meant that play and social life still had to be negotiated with staff and adults in shared indoor areas the rest of the week resulting to children’s social life being squeezed into leftover spaces such as rooms, hallways when staff can’t see them, rather than having stable places designed for play and connection.<br />In Syria, the situation is harsher. With no designated play areas, children use narrow gaps between tents, dusty roads, and nearby fields as makeshift playgrounds often unsafe and contested. Learning spaces might have extremely basic activity area, while others offer hazardous outdoor spaces where previous injuries forced teachers to remove playing structures like slides altogether.</p><p>Whether it’s a monitored hallway or between tents, play happens only where it is allowed, and when play depends on whatever space is left, children’s social development becomes something they must negotiate. This is a rights issue: target 7 of  <a href="https://globalgoals.org/goals/11-sustainable-cities-and-communities/">SDG 11: Sustainable Cities and Communities </a>calls for “universal access to safe, inclusive and accessible, green and public spaces, in particular for women and children.” In displacement, that public space is often a corridor, a tent path, or an unsafe field space that limit who children can meet and how they can play.</p><p><strong> </strong><strong>School as the Only Stable Social Space</strong></p><p>Space also impacts access to education in unequal ways in refugee shelters. In Sweden, many children in temporary shelters cannot attend school because they lack a stable address or personal identification number. Families often hesitate to enrol their children because relocation can happen at any moment. As one worker explained, “They are waiting without any schooling.” Thus, When the playroom is the only social space, structured activities can compete with children’s need for free play and peer time.<br />In Syria, schools exist inside camps, but access remains extremely fragile. rooms built with low ceilings of tent fabric, overcrowded quickly leads to limited ventilation, making it harder for children to focus, stay in class, and keep school as a stable social space. <br />Additionally, hazard list is long. Children walk long distances through mud, heat, and rain. Also, stray dogs, unsafe streets crossings, and floodings pose daily dangers. Many miss school to work in agriculture with their families. Poverty prevents parents from providing shoes, clothes, or school materials. However, teachers consistently reported children describing school as the “most pleasant place” because it offers them rare moments of routine and stability in camp life.</p><p>Across both contexts, school is a fragile opportunity that is easily interrupted several factors. When school is interrupted or inaccessible, children lose more than learning time, they lose one of the few spaces where peer relationships, language practice, and everyday belonging can become stable.</p><p><strong> </strong><strong>Friendships and Social Life Under Physical Constraint</strong></p><p>Children’s social relationships in refugee shelters are shaped by space, proximity, language, age, gender, and cultural background and in both settings children constantly negotiate where and how they are allowed to socialize.</p><p>In Sweden, play is rare and often pushed into corridors, where staff intervene and send children back to their rooms. Without stable schooling and shared common spaces, children’s social life depends largely on adult-organised opportunities to meet.<br />In Syria, social life of children is often fragile as the spaces where they can play safely, and with whom, are constantly negotiated. Proximity is decisive, children play with neighbours, relatives who live close, even then play can be challenging as adults shout at them when the ball falls on a tent or gets inside one and in other cases chase them out of fields to protect crops. In this context, children’s play should not be read as evidence that conditions are adequate, but as adaptive practices that emerge despite limited compliance with Article 31 of the CRC.</p><p><strong> </strong><strong>Children Reclaiming Spaces</strong></p><p>Despite restrictions, children show clear agency, not by escaping constraints, but by negotiating them whether in Sweden shelter where children repurpose limited indoor space for play, adapt rules to include one another, and ask for more access to child-friendly space, or in Syrian camp where children similarly improvise with whatever is available and adjust quickly when adults intervene, shifting location or changing games.</p><p>Here, adaptation is not symbolic, it is survival, creativity, and resistance integrated in everyday life. However, this agency should not be romanticised as children’s creativity often shows what they are forced to compensate for, specially within such environments that even basic life conditions are not available.</p><p><strong> </strong><strong>From Adaptation to Responsibility</strong></p><p>Rather than relying on children’s ability to adapt to extreme situations, Life environments that better support everyday childhood. This includes shelter conditions that offer adequate space, and a basic level of privacy, as well as better protection from heat, flooding, and overcrowding. Child friendly spaces also matter not only in principle, but in practice: when play areas are consistently accessible, rather than dependent on intermittent volunteer presence, children have better opportunities for social interactions and emotional development. Education is another key space where flexibility matters. Systems that allow children remain connected to schooling despite frequent movement can help preserve routines and peer relationships and consequently children’s wellbeing. In camp settings, safe routes and basics like season proof living spaces and classrooms make school attendance possible throughout the year.</p><p>Finally, refugee shelters shape childhood in practical, everyday ways: they decide where children can move, where they can gather, and whether routines like school can stabilise social life. While children adapt with creativity, it often reveals what they are forced to compensate for. The 2030 Agenda’s promise to “leave no one behind” only becomes real when shelter design, play spaces, and school access are treated as part of children’s wellbeing not as optional extras. So, if space shapes childhood, then reimagining displacement spaces is a shared responsibility.</p><p><span style="color: #808080;"><em>Ola Sobh is Master’s student in Social Sciences – Child Studies at Linköping University, Sweden, and DDRN Intern. </em></span></p>								</div>
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										<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="768" height="1024" src="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/03_Sidebar_Image.jpg-768x1024.jpg" class="attachment-large size-large wp-image-19890" alt="" srcset="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/03_Sidebar_Image.jpg-768x1024.jpg 768w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/03_Sidebar_Image.jpg-225x300.jpg 225w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/03_Sidebar_Image.jpg-1152x1536.jpg 1152w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/03_Sidebar_Image.jpg.jpg 1440w" sizes="(max-width: 768px) 100vw, 768px" />											<figcaption class="widget-image-caption wp-caption-text">Internally displaced children in classroom tent, Syria. Photo by Bengi  River</figcaption>
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										<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="801" height="1024" src="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ola-photo-801x1024.jpg" class="attachment-large size-large wp-image-19892" alt="" srcset="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ola-photo-801x1024.jpg 801w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ola-photo-235x300.jpg 235w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ola-photo-768x982.jpg 768w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ola-photo-1201x1536.jpg 1201w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Ola-photo.jpg 1482w" sizes="(max-width: 801px) 100vw, 801px" />											<figcaption class="widget-image-caption wp-caption-text">Ola Sobh</figcaption>
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		<title>Oprindelige folk bærer på værdifuld viden &#8211; Forskningens Døgn 2025</title>
		<link>https://ddrn.dk/18048/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Asger Roejle Christensen]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 30 May 2025 10:07:02 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Applied Sciences]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Peace, justice and strong institutions]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[Danske forskere, der har arbejdet og forsket blandt oprindelige folk i Latinamerika, ser tegn på en ny anerkendelse i forskerkredse af disse folks traditioner og &#8230; ]]></description>
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									<p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Danske forskere, der har arbejdet og forsket blandt oprindelige folk i Latinamerika, ser tegn på en ny anerkendelse i forskerkredse af disse folks traditioner og visdom</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Oprindelige folk bærer på værdifuld viden, som er i fare for at gå tabt i Latinamerikas moderne samfund. Det var et tema, der gik igen i tre korte foredrag af danske forskere ved <a href="https://ddrn.dk/17559/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">et seminar i København, som DDRN havde arrangeret som en del af Forskningens Døgn i april måned.</a> De tre forskere arbejder til daglig blandt oprindelige folk i den del af verden.  </span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Men der var også optimistiske ord. Med Line Jespersgaard Jakobsens ord ”ser vi i øjeblikket, at der i vestlig praksis viser sig en forstærket bevægelse hen med en større anerkendelse af oprindelige folks ‘kosmovisioner’- og en anerkendelse af, at deres former for viden har en betydning”. Line Jespersgaard Jakobsen er fra 1. juni postdoc ved Institut for Fødevare- og Ressourceøkonomi (IFRO) på Københavns Universitet, og før det, postdoc på Institut for Samfund og Erhverv, Roskilde Universitet.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Mødet, der fandt sted på kulturcentret Union på Nørre Allé i København, forsøgte at skabe en dialog på tværs af forskningsfelter om oprindelige folk i Latinamerika og deres bidrag til vores verdensbillede. </span><span style="color: #000000;">Antropolog Stine Krøijer, Institut for Antropologi, Københavns Universitet, fortalte om de politiske problemer i relation til oprindelige folks landrettigheder ved de store skovbrande i Amazonas. Hun definerede ved mødets start oprindelige folk som ”efterkommere af dem, der boede i et bestemt område før koloniseringen”. De behøver ikke bo der længere, de behøver ikke have det oprindelige sprog som primært sprog, det handler om ”selvidentificering”.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">”Der vil blive færre, som identificerer sig som indfødte folk, men det har jo også været et fundamentalt krav fra oprindelige folk netop at have retten til selvidentifikation. Det har været et politisk krav, at man ikke bliver identificeret af andre. Man identificerer sig selv”, sagde hun. </span><span style="color: #000000;">”Og så har vi også set eksempler rundt omkring i verden på, at nogle også genopfinder deres identitet efter en periode, for eksempel i USA, hvor der har været historiske perioder, hvor det af forskellige grunde var politisk opportunt at identificere sig som oprindelige befolkning”. </span><span style="color: #000000;">Men der er også, som det under mødet blev påpeget fra salen, eksempler på, at unge ikke gider være oprindelige folk og flytter væk, hvorved sprog og territorier mistes.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Oprindelige folk er ifølge definitionen i den FN-vedtagne erklæring om oprindelige folks rettigheder fra 2007 et ikke-dominerende folkeslag i et større samfund, som de oprindelige beboede, men senere er blevet et mindretal i. De har ofte ifølge denne definition i forskellig grad bevaret deres egen kultur, baseret på naturens lokale ressourcer, og de har typisk en anden kultur og et andet sprog end den dominerende befolkning. I vore dage bliver omkring 370 millioner mennesker rundt omkring i verden defineret som oprindelige folk.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">”Antropologi er som fag vokset ud af en interesse for at forstå, hvordan kulturer udvikler sig forskelligt eller ens, afhængigt af deres naturgrundlag”, forklarede Stine Krøijer. ”Det førte til meget detaljerede lokale studier af, hvad folk spiste, deres narrative traditioner og deres måder at organisere sig på lokalt. Antropologer løb rundt og målte og vejede, hvad folk indsamlede fra skoven for at finde ud af, hvilke ressourcer de benyttede sig af”.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Denne arbejdsform og de teorier, den førte til, blev imidlertid i de senere årtier ”udfordret af det, man kalder den politiske økologi, der pegede på, at det grundlæggende handlede om udnyttelsen af lokale ressourcer, og at der var større politiske interesser på spil. Spørgsmålet om tilkendelse af rettigheder til lokale ressourcer havde betydning. Så derfor begyndte antropologien sammen med geografien og flere andre fag at interesserer sig specifikt for miljøkonflikter, konflikter omkring natur og ressourceudnyttelse og indfødte folks territorier”. </span><span style="color: #000000;">Der skete med andre ord et historisk skifte for antropologiske studier af oprindelige folk i retning af et nyt fokus på miljøkonflikter og rettigheder.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">”Der, hvor jeg selv har arbejdet i Amazonas, har der været en meget lang konflikt om olieudvinding, som på ret voldsom vis har forandret det lokale miljø og dermed også de strategier, folk har kunnet have i forhold til deres livsgrundlag”, forklarede Stine Krøijer på mødet. ”Denne forskning, som jeg nu har gang i, tager udgangspunkt i, hvordan alle disse forskellige miljøkonflikter udfolder sig, og hvordan indfødte folk og andre sociale grupper går ind i disse og organiserer sig politisk og forsøger at få deres for deres egen sag fremført politisk”.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Den erfarne arbejdsmediciner Erik Jørs fra Odense Universitetshospital, som gennem NGO’er som IMCC (International Medical Cooperation Committee) og Dialogos i årtier har været involveret i sundhedsprojekter i Bolivia, Uganda, Filippinerne og Nepal, fortalte ved mødet specifikt om arbejdet med interkulturel medicin i Bolivia. Han understregede vigtigheden af samarbejde mellem på den ene side traditionelle medicinmænd af begge køn og på den anden side vestlige læger.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">I Bolivia har omkring halvdelen af landbefolkningen ikke let adgang til sundhedssystemet, og det er et af de få lande i verden, hvor størstedelen af befolkningen tilhører et oprindeligt folk. Hans oplæg indeholdt en lang række konkrete eksempler på, at de oprindelige folks sundhedsråd og traditionelle måde at helbrede sygdomme på har givet mening.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">”Allerede i 1986 brugte vi et halvt år på at gå rundt mellem landsbyerne og interviewe folk for at finde ud af, hvordan bor de? Hvor mange penge tjener de? Tjener de noget overhovedet? Hvilke afgrøder dyrker de? Og hvilke sygdomme optræder der? Og der fandt vi ud af, at selv om man lokalt ikke var meget for at fortælle om det, at de faktisk havde et fungerende sundhedssystem. Det var bare ikke et vestligt sundhedssystem, men et traditionelt sundhedssystem, som de ofte havde større tiltro til end det, de kunne møde på sygehuset”, fortalte han.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">”Når vi gik rundt i gaderne, så kunne vi købe alle mulige mærkelige forskellige former for medicin, som var et resultat af den viden, de havde samlet sammen”. </span><span style="color: #000000;">En viden, som handlede meget om forholdet mellem ”varmt og koldt”. Der var bestemte fødevarer i handelen, som blev opfattet som henholdsvis ”varme eller kolde”, og der var behandlinger mod sygdomme, som blev opfattet som ”varme eller kolde”. </span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">”Det er klart, at hvis man har en varm sygdom, så skal man have nogle kolde behandlinger eller kolde ting at spise. På den måde forsøger man at genskabe balancen i kroppen” forklarede Erik Jørs, som på baggrund af sine erfaringer mener, at vi i den vestlige verden kan lære meget af oprindelig medicin, en lærdom,  som vi har haft i Europas traditionelle medicin, og som også genfindes i Afrika og Asien.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">”Vi kunne nedsætte vores medicinforbrug ganske betydeligt, hvis man gik mere over til baldrian, kamillete og citronmelisse. Vi har et overforbrug af medicin, fordi folk selvfølgelig gerne vil behandles. Der kan vi lære, at naturen stadigvæk har meget at byde på, også medicinsk, uden at det nødvendigvis skal være fremstillet på et farmaceutisk institut”, konkluderede Erik Jørs.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Line Jespersgaard Jakobsen, der blandt andet forsker i naturens rettigheder i forhold til udvinding af naturressourcer i Colombia, supplerer med, at ”der er en sandhed i fortællingen om, at de oprindelige folk er dygtige til at beskytte naturen”.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">”Det betyder ikke, at jeg ønsker at sige til de oprindelige folk, at i og med at I er dygtige til at beskytte naturen, så bør I gå forrest i miljøkampen. Dét er et fælles ansvar. Men vi kan lære noget af den omgang med naturen, det forhold til naturen, som de har, den enorme evne, de har til at lytte og indgå i harmoni med naturen. Det er jo det, vi fuldstændigt har aflært, så der er stadigvæk noget at hente”, sagde Line Jespersgaard Jakobsen. </span><span style="color: #000000;">Hun har i sin forskning med eksempler fra Colombias særlige domstol for fred set på vanskelige juridiske spørgsmål omkring ”naturen som offer” og ”naturen som subjekt for rettigheder”. </span><span style="color: #000000;">Hun arbejder i, hvad hun kalder et ”krydsfelt mellem vestlig jura og det oprindelige folks viden og ’kosmovision’s sammenstød med den vestligt definerede jura”.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Det handler om, hvordan skader og lidelse i naturen bør kunne defineres som kriminelle handlinger, hvilket de i vid udstrækning ikke bliver i dag. Line Jespersgaard Jakobsen har sammen med sine kolleger set på den måde, hvorpå man forstår straffrihed inden for international lov og politik og udfordringerne ved at retsforfølge de ansvarlige for en skade på naturen.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">”Vi vil gerne bryde med den nuværende fastlåste forståelse af retfærdighed, skyld og ansvar. Den måde at forstå retfærdighed på, der kommer fra vestlig jura, er fokuseret på staten og har mennesket i centrum. Mens nogle af de her folk, de taler om skade og lidelse og smerte på en helt ny måde. Hvordan dokumenterer man den her form for skade på for eksempel en flod eller på et træ eller på et bjerg? Og hvordan kan vi afgøre ansvar og sanktioner i sådan nogle sager? Her opstår der nogle interessante krydsninger mellem oprindelige folks viden og den vestlige jura.”</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Til sidst på mødet kom Stine Krøijer med nogle ord om, at det næppe i ret mange tilfælde kan lade sig gøre at overføre viden fra et oprindeligt folk ”en til en” til et moderne samfund, men at det handler om at lære i højere grad at respektere hinanden og hinandens viden. </span><span style="color: #000000;">”Det bedste, vi kan bestræbe os på, er at gå i retning af at anerkende, at der er mange måder at se tingene på og mange måder at gøre det på. Det handler om at respektere andres kosmologi eller spiritualitet, men uden nødvendigvis at kopiere den en til en”.</span></p>								</div>
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					<h5>Lydoptagelse af oplæg v/ Line Jespersgaard Jacobsen, Stine Krøijer og Erik Jørs, samt diskussion v/ moderator Lise Josefsen Hermann</h5><audio class="wp-audio-shortcode" id="audio-18048-1" preload="none" style="width: 100%;" controls="controls"><source type="audio/mpeg" src="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/250422_004-2.mp3?_=1" /><source type="audio/mpeg" src="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/250422_004-2.mp3?_=1" /><a href="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/250422_004-2.mp3">https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/250422_004-2.mp3</a></audio>				</div>
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										<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="1024" height="683" src="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/72A1688-1024x683.jpg" class="attachment-large size-large wp-image-18270" alt="" srcset="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/72A1688-1024x683.jpg 1024w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/72A1688-300x200.jpg 300w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/72A1688-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/72A1688-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/72A1688.jpg 1920w" sizes="(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px" />											<figcaption class="widget-image-caption wp-caption-text">Stine Krøijer. Photo: Mike Kollöffel</figcaption>
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											<figcaption class="widget-image-caption wp-caption-text">Erik Jørs in Bharatpur, Nepal. Photo: Lise Josefsen Hermann</figcaption>
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																<a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/indigenous-peoples/un-declaration-rights-indigenous-peoples" target="_blank">
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		<title>Forskningens Døgn 2025: Forskning i Latinamerika med Respekt for Oprindelige folk</title>
		<link>https://ddrn.dk/17559/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Arne Wangel]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 16 Apr 2025 07:59:40 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Applied Sciences]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[Tirsdag den 22.april 2025, kl. 19.00-21.15, GRATIS ADGANG                    Sted: UNION, Nørre Allé 7, 2300 Kbh. N.  &#8230; ]]></description>
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									<p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong><span style="font-size: 18pt;">Tirsdag den 22.april 2025, kl. 19.00-21.15, GRATIS ADGANG                    Sted: UNION, Nørre Allé 7, 2300 Kbh. N.</span>  <span style="font-size: 18pt;">              <span style="color: #0000ff;"><a style="color: #0000ff;" href="https://www.google.com/search?client=firefox-b-d&amp;q=n%C3%B8rre+all%C3%A9+7#smwie=1" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Klik for kort!</a></span></span></strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000; font-size: 18pt;"><strong>Tilmelding: Send e-mail med navn til </strong><span style="color: #0000ff;"><a style="color: #0000ff;" href="mailto:info@ddrn.dk"><strong>info@ddrn.dk</strong></a></span><strong><span style="color: #0000ff;"> </span>      </strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000; font-size: 14pt;"><strong>Arrangør: Danish Development Research Network (DDRN.dk)</strong></span></p><table style="border-collapse: collapse; width: 100%;"><tbody><tr><td style="width: 15.3043%;"><span style="color: #000000; font-size: 18pt;"><strong>Program</strong></span></td><td style="width: 84.6957%;"> </td></tr><tr><td style="width: 15.3043%;"><span style="color: #000000;">19.00 &#8211; 19.05</span></td><td style="width: 84.6957%;"><span style="color: #000000;">Velkomst v/ Danish Development Research Network – DDRN.dk</span></td></tr><tr><td style="width: 15.3043%;"><span style="color: #000000;">19.05 &#8211; 19.35</span></td><td style="width: 84.6957%;"><span style="color: #000000;">Antropolog <strong>Stine Krøijer</strong>, Institut for Antropologi, Københavns Universitet, fortæller om oprindelige folks landrettigheder i forhold til de store skovbrande i Amazonas samt de politiske modsætninger, som det skaber.</span></td></tr><tr><td style="width: 15.3043%;"><span style="color: #000000;">19.35 &#8211; 20.05</span></td><td style="width: 84.6957%;"><span style="color: #000000;">Arbejdsmediciner <strong>Erik Jørs</strong> fra Odense Universitetshospital fortæller om arbejdet med interkulturel medicin i Bolivia, og om vigtigheden af samarbejde mellem medicinmænd (og kvinder) og vestlige læger. I Bolivia har omkring halvdelen af landbefolkningen ikke adgang til sundhedssystemet og det er ét af de få lande i verden, hvor størstedelen af befolkningen tilhører et oprindeligt folk.</span></td></tr><tr><td style="width: 15.3043%;"><span style="color: #000000;">20.05 &#8211; 20.20</span></td><td style="width: 84.6957%;"><span style="color: #000000;">Pause med forfriskninger</span></td></tr><tr><td style="width: 15.3043%;"><span style="color: #000000;">20.20 &#8211; 20.50</span></td><td style="width: 84.6957%;"><span style="color: #000000;">Post doc <strong>Line Jespersgaard Jakobsen</strong>, Institut for Fødevare- og Ressourceøkonomi (IFRO), Københavns Universitet, fortæller om arbejdet med naturens rettigheder i forhold til udvinding af naturressourcer i Colombia i krydsfeltet mellem oprindelige folks kosmovision og vores vestlige verdenssyn/jura. Med eksempler fra Colombias særlige domstol for fred.</span></td></tr><tr><td style="width: 15.3043%;"><span style="color: #000000;">20.50 &#8211; 21.15</span></td><td style="width: 84.6957%;"><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Spørgsmål og debat</strong> modereres af videnskabsjournalist <strong>Lise Josefsen Herman</strong>, som har mange års erfaring med at rapportere fra Latinamerika ofte med særligt fokus på oprindelige folk.</span></td></tr></tbody></table>								</div>
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		<title>Riace: A Model of Humanity</title>
		<link>https://ddrn.dk/17777/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Andrea Massarini]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 12 Mar 2025 20:01:01 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Decent work and economic growth]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[Riace is a small Italian town located on the Calabrian coast along the Ionian Sea. Historically, its fame is linked to the discovery of two &#8230; ]]></description>
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									<p><span style="color: #000000;">Riace is a small Italian town located on the Calabrian coast along the Ionian Sea. Historically, its fame is linked to the discovery of two magnificent Greek bronze statues from the 5th century BCE, found on the seabed off its coast in 1972. In more recent times, however, Riace has become synonymous with a virtuous example of hospitality and the revitalization of a small Italian town at risk of depopulation.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The 1990s mark the beginning of massive migratory flows toward Western Europe, particularly to the Italian peninsula due to its strategic location at the center of the Mediterranean Sea. Particularly, in 1998 two hundred Kurdish refugees arrived to Riace. This event sparked a profound sense of solidarity among the town’s residents, including the former professor Mimmo Lucano. It was during this time that the <em>Città Futura Association</em> was established, with the goal of assisting the newly arrived migrants by providing them with abandoned homes left behind by former residents who had emigrated over the years. The initiative aimed not only to offer shelter, but also to repopulate a town facing a significant demographic decline.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><em>Città Futura</em> took on the responsibility of managing asylum applications and migrant reception within the framework of the <em>SPRAR</em> (Protection System for Asylum Seekers and Refugees). From that moment on, Riace became a home not only for refugees but also for undocumented immigrants with the right to asylum. This approach helped sustain essential services, such as the local school, and supported the town’s economy through small-scale entrepreneurial activities in handicrafts and agriculture.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">As migration flows to Italy increased, the <em>National Asylum Program</em> (<em>PNA</em>) was launched in 2001, with three main objectives: to establish a national system of reception, assistance, and protection for asylum seekers, refugees, and displaced persons; to promote integration; and to create mechanisms for voluntary repatriation and reintegration into their countries of origin.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">In 2004, Mimmo Lucano was elected mayor of Riace, a position he held for three terms consecutively from 2004 to 2018, and one more time in 2024. His legacy is a system that embraces coexistence among different cultures as a valuable resource, and a model founded on the principle of shared humanity—the <em>Riace model</em>.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">THE RIACE MODEL</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">This model was designed to avoid Riace the threat of becoming a “ghost town” by welcoming migrants and providing them with resources to help integrate into the community. The initiative sought to address the demographic challenges facing the region, which had been experiencing significant population decline due to economic migration from rural areas to urban centers, a very common trend in Italian villages. The Riace model operates on principles of inclusion and community involvement. It provided migrants with abandoned homes, job training, and a network of support that included local citizens. This innovative approach aimed to transform the socio-economic landscape of the town, fostering a sense of community between locals and newcomers. Unlike other towns, where schools close due to a lack of students, the kindergarten in Riace in 2017 hosted 30 children of different nationalities, providing jobs for 14 staff members. The new inhabitants were engaged in various local projects, which helped to create jobs and integrate them into the fabric of Riace. Many of the migrants and residents of Riace find employment in local workshops, reviving trades and traditions that had long fallen into disuse.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Over the years, several artisanal shops have been established, including those dedicated to ceramics, handloom weaving and wool spinning. Others focus on the production of preserved foods, dairy processing, bread-making, olive oil extraction and chocolate craftsmanship.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">To address delays in the disbursement of funds for reception projects, Lucano implemented a smart system of <em>&#8220;bonus vouchers&#8221;.</em> Introduced around 2010, this form of virtual currency was designed to stimulate the local economy. Shopkeepers in Riace agreed to accept these vouchers, which could later be converted into euros once government funds were allocated—typically after a waiting period of six to seven months. This initiative not only strengthened local businesses, but also fostered mutual respect between residents and migrants.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Thus, migration, rather than being seen as a burden, became a valuable resource—an opportunity for renewal and a shift in perspective, allowing people to view migratory movements as a chance to invest in the rebirth of a town. Thanks to these remarkable efforts, in 2016, <em>Fortune</em> magazine recognized Riace&#8217;s mayor Domenico “Mimmo” Lucano as one of the 50 most influential people in the world.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">FROM RECOGNITION TO REPRESSION: THE POLITICAL AND LEGAL STRUGGLES</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The Riace model&#8217;s development coincided with significant changes in national immigration policy, particularly the shift towards a more centralized approach as initiated by the Decree Law in 2016. This shift reduced the autonomy of local institutions in managing integration projects, which posed challenges for the Riace model. Despite its initial success and recognition, the local administration faced heightened scrutiny and pressure from national authorities, leading to conflicts that necessitated a reassertion of the model&#8217;s identity as a means of resistance. Furthermore,</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">the Riace model faced also a political challenge, particularly under the government of Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini. Salvini&#8217;s right-wing party has been vocal against immigration, leading to increased scrutiny of Lucano&#8217;s administration. In October 2018, Lucano was arrested and placed under house arrest on charges related to facilitating &#8220;marriages of convenience&#8221; for immigration purposes and mismanagement of public funds, furthermore in 2019 he was accused of issuing identity documents to immigrants staying in reception centers. These allegations sparked national protests and a debate over the future of the Riace model. In the aftermath of Lucano&#8217;s arrest, the Italian Interior Ministry mandated the relocation of migrants from Riace, signaling a significant shift in the government&#8217;s approach to immigration and integration. Critics of the government&#8217;s actions view Lucano&#8217;s arrest as politically motivated, aimed at dismantling a model that had come to symbolize a more compassionate approach to immigration in Italy.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">This situation led to the departure of several migrants, who sought a better life elsewhere, as well as their relocation to other <em>SPRAR</em> facilities. While certain legal regulations may have been violated —operating in a scenario that was partly illegal but morally licit and justifiable—these actions were taken in pursuit of a greater good: not only safeguarding human lives but also upholding the fundamental value of belonging to a shared humanity, because according to Lucano legality is not a synonym for democracy and equality.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">On February 12, 2025, the Italian Supreme Court of Cassation upheld a final sentence of 18 months, with a suspended sentence, for Mimmo Lucano, who currently serves as both mayor of Riace and a Member of the European Parliament. He was found guilty of a single instance of falsifying a public document. In the first-instance ruling, he had been sentenced to 13 years and 2 months in prison.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><em>&#8220;Instead of portraying migration as an invasion—as it has been framed for years by a criminal narrative designed to justify deportations, forced detentions, supporting the Libyan and Albanian camps—Riace has demonstrated that hospitality can be practiced with kindness. And for this reason, it had to be obstructed,&#8221;</em> Lucano stated.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">RIACE AND THE QUESTION OF SUSTAINABILITY: LEADERSHIP VS INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">As of 2022, one-quarter of Riace&#8217;s 2,000 inhabitants are migrants from diverse regions, including Afghanistan, Kurdistan, Palestine, Somalia, Mali, and Senegal, contributing to a rebirth of local businesses and community services. The local economy saw the emergence of various small enterprises, alongside the reopening of schools and restaurants, creating a vibrant atmosphere of coexistence and mutual benefit. Under the leadership of Mayor Lucano, the town exemplified a positive integration model, fostering a sense of community among long-time residents and newcomers alike.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">While Riace has received honors for its model, it is not the only town employing similar strategies. Nearby Satriano, for example, has also attempted to adopt the <em>Riace model</em>, but with less success in terms of job placement and community integration, highlighting the variability in outcomes across different municipalities. This situation raises questions about the scalability and sustainability of the Riace model, as well as the broader implications of migration and integration policies in Italy. In fact, The Riace model was largely associated with Lucano as an individual rather than with a broader institutional framework. This meant that decision-making was heavily dependent on his vision and leadership, as well as his preferences. When Lucano faced legal troubles and was removed from office, the project suffered setbacks. This scenario represents a broader challenge in social justice movements, namely when charismatic leadership is the driving force, the changes introduced might not be deeply institutionalized, making them susceptible to collapse once that leader is no longer in power. While Lucano’s work was groundbreaking, it also raises the question of whether migrant integration efforts should rely on exceptional individuals or require stronger structural mechanisms to ensure fairness, participation, and longevity.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">RIACE’S LEGACY</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Lucano&#8217;s vision emphasized the importance of dismantling barriers of race, discrimination, and poverty. His administration aimed to create a “happy community” where both locals and migrants could thrive, leading to a demographic shift where the number of births surpassed deaths in the town. By welcoming over 800 asylum seekers in more than 20 years, fostering a community where at least 20 different ethnic groups coexist harmoniously, Riace demonstrated that successful integration can foster mutual enrichment among both locals and newcomers, effectively addressing local demographic challenges and enhancing cultural diversity.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The Riace model stands as a testament to the power of solidarity, proving that migration can be an opportunity for renewal rather than a crisis, where integration and revitalization can go hand in hand. While its future remains uncertain, its legacy continues to inspire a clear message: when communities welcome diversity, they open doors to a more sustainable and compassionate future, challenging the conventional narratives of exclusion and fear.</span></p><p><em>Andrea Massarini is M.Sc. in Global Development, University of Copenhagen, DDRN Intern</em></p>								</div>
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		<title>Mozambican Researchers and Civil Society Challenge Systemically Flawed Climate Change Adaptation Solutions in their Country</title>
		<link>https://ddrn.dk/17258/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Alberica Rindi]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Thu, 23 Jan 2025 23:59:45 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Applied Sciences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Climate action]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Opinions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Peace, justice and strong institutions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Social Sciences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sustainable cities and communities]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://ddrn.dk/?p=17258</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[Despite being one of the countries with the lowest carbon footprint per capita (0.21 vs 6.6 in DK),  Mozambique is one of the most vulnerable &#8230; ]]></description>
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									<p><span style="color: #000000;">Despite being one of the countries with the</span><a href="https://www.worldometers.info/co2-emissions/co2-emissions-per-capita/"> lowest carbon footprint per capita</a> <span style="color: #000000;">(0.21 vs 6.6 in DK), <a style="color: #000000;" href="#_edn1" name="_ednref1"></a> Mozambique is one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change. Cyclones and floods have intensified in the past decades, devastating infrastructures, homes and destroying crops and agricultural land. Severe droughts and change in rain patterns have made yields less predictable and life more precarious. 80% of the population relies on small scale agriculture for livelihood, making</span> <a href="#_edn2" name="_ednref2"></a><a href="https://www.ifad.org/en/web/operations/w/country/mozambique">Mozambican&#8217;s lives highly vulnerable to changes in the climate</a>.</p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Climate Change Policies and REDD+ </strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">In 2007, the United Nations introduced a group of market driven climate adaptation strategies under the name of &#8220;Reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation in developing countries&#8221;, in short “REDD”, which was later expanded to REDD+, to include a few new elements such as conservation and enhancement of forest carbon stocks and sustainable forest management.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">These initiatives aimed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions (GHG) through market incentivized reforestation projects in low-income countries. Trees would be planted and grown and their ability to capture carbon monitored and then certified to be sold on the carbon market. </span><span style="color: #000000;">Financed by a number of western countries such as Norway, Denmark, Spain, Japan and the EU, they have been implemented all over the world, in resource and forest rich countries such as various provinces of Mozambique, in the name of combating climate change.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">In the years since its inception up to today,</span> <a href="https://www.wrm.org.uy/publications/15-years-of-redd">REDD+ programs have been widely criticized</a> <span style="color: #000000;">for not only failing to address the causes of deforestation and thereby intensifying the climate crisis, but also taking away land from indigenous people and local communities preventing them to continue the activities they depend on for survival.<a style="color: #000000;" href="#_edn3" name="_ednref3"></a></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Boaventura Monjane &amp; Natasha Bruna</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Mozambican researchers Boaventura Monjane and Natasha Bruna, (PHD in Postcolonialisms and Global Citizenship, Development Studies and Political ecology respectively) have been studying the impact of climate change and extractivism on rural livelihoods in Mozambique for many years. Their research lies at the intersection of climate justice, food sovereignty, land and resource grabbing, agrarian movements and peasants’ rights. Most recently, they have explored the impact of market based climate solutions in Mozambique, especially REDD+ or CSA (climate-smart-agriculture) programs, both part of the main national policy for climate change mitigation and adaptation.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>The Nhambita Community Carbon P</strong><strong>roject </strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Together with local civil society organisations such as Justicia Ambiental, Uniao Nacional de Camponese and Alternactiva, Boaventura and Natasha have been researching the impact of REDD+ projects in the central Mozambique as well as alternative local adaptation initiatives. </span><span style="color: #000000;">Following the &#8220;participatory research approach&#8221;, the communities in which they conducted their research &#8220;did not participate as objects of study in the classic and traditional sense of extractive research, <a style="color: #000000;" href="#_edn4" name="_ednref4"></a><a style="color: #000000;" href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/jj.4845586">but as active subjects</a>.&#8221; They were directly involved in the design of the research proposal and research objectives as well as included in knowledge- building and dissemination. </span><span style="color: #000000;">One of the communities they worked with is Nhambita, where a REDD+ project called &#8220;Nhambita Community Carbon project&#8221; was implemented.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Nhmabita is a small village in the province of Sofala in central Mozambique, at the border to Gorongosa National Park, where peasants live off small scale agriculture following ancestral practices. In the 2000s an English company called Envirotrade took over some of the land of the region and employed local farmers to grow trees for reforestation. In the contract, peasant farmers agreed to cede part of their lands to plant trees for Envirotrade. They were not consulted nor informed about the nature of their work. “They brought plants and we planted them” explains Chabane Francisco Sacho, secretary of the people of Nhambita.  A plant nursery was established where local women took care of giving life to seeds and care for the plants until they would be planted in the soil.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Some peasants explain they had to sacrifice their own produce to plant trees instead, yet the company promised long term substantial salaries and several additional benefits. Farmers committed to taking care of the trees minimum of 7 years in return for a wage, after that the trees should have been cared for up to 100 years. However, after a few years, the company left abruptly without saying a word, owing the farmers’ salaries and explanations. Until today, many of the farmers don&#8217;t know why the company left and why the company wanted them to plant trees.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Envirotrade was selling the equivalent of the carbon captured by the trees planted in Nhambita, on the European and US carbon market. The company earned money through the sale of these carbon credits to other companies in other parts of the world. The buyers bought themselves a “green” image and the right to continue to pollute. When the carbon prices fell, it wasn’t economically viable anymore to continue with the project, so Envirotrade disappeared.<a style="color: #000000;" href="#_edn5" name="_ednref5"></a></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Some farmers recount how they continued to care for the trees in the hope of Envirotrade’s return, and in fear of potential consequences, if they were to take down the trees for their own use of the land. </span><span style="color: #000000;">Through the farmer’s recounts, it became clear that the local communities “no longer had decision-making power over the use and benefits from their own land”.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">During their research, Natasha and Boaventura organised workshops, where they explained to the participating farmers the concept of climate change, what the trees were used for and how carbon markets work. Farmers could share their own experiences of changes in the climate and soil, the difficulties they encountered and were asked to provide their wishes and ideas about tackling the changes in climate and create resilience in their communities.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>From mining, energy and agricultural extractivism to green extractivism</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The exploitation of Mozambican resources for the international market has a long history. </span><span style="color: #000000;">Mozambique’s economy has long been based on extraction of natural resources, from coal, oil, gas, to timber and agricultural produce. Continuing a legacy of neoliberal colonialism, the government relied its</span> <a href="#_edn6" name="_ednref6"></a><a href="https://www.scienceopen.com/hosted-document?doi=10.1080/03056244.2022.2049129">development model mainly on extractive activities for export</a>,<span style="color: #000000;"> welcoming foreign direct investment in mining and monocultures of for example eucalyptus, rubber trees, timber.</span> <a href="https://www.scienceopen.com/hosted-document?doi=10.1080/03056244.2022.2049129">Natasha</a> <span style="color: #000000;">explains how Mozambique quickly became an “extractive hub nurturing other countries’ industrialisation with energy and primary commodities”.<a style="color: #000000;" href="#_edn7" name="_ednref7"></a> While this might have increased the GDP, it did not reduce poverty, nor did it benefit the population at large; on the contrary, it resulted in unaccounted social and environmental negative externalities<a style="color: #000000;" href="#_edn8" name="_ednref8"></a>.</span><a name="_ednref4"></a><span style="color: #000000;"><a style="color: #000000;" href="#_edn4">[iv]</a> More than 60% of the population is still lacking access to safe water, health facilities or education. </span><br /><span style="color: #000000;">Mining, timber logging, firewood and charcoal production and industrial agriculture are all extractive activities that have laid and continue to lay at the root of forest degradation in Mozambique.<a style="color: #000000;" href="#_edn9" name="_ednref9"></a></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Access to land is a great source of inequality in the country. In the north, gas mining from European and North American companies and timber logging for Chinese export have been associated with displacements and murders; in the center, coal mining from Indian companies, sand mines from Russian companies.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The rush to carbon credits has exacerbated the land rush in Mozambique, especially high biodiversity areas to capture carbon and sell it on international markets. This results in the rural population’s lost ability to rightfully benefit from the ecological</span> <span style="color: #000000;">assets of their land<a style="color: #000000;" href="#_edn10" name="_ednref10"></a>. </span><span style="color: #000000;">Natasha explains how the current climate policies are a continuation of the extractive development model giving rise to green extractivism<a style="color: #000000;" href="#_edn11" name="_ednref11"></a>,  “a variation of extractivism that is based on the extraction, expropriation and transfer of emissions rights from rural poor, in favour of foreign accumulation”.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Mount Mabu</strong><strong> Community </strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Boaventura and Natasha also investigated a different approach to climate adaptation in the Mabu community, in the district of Lugela, Zambezia Province.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The Mabu community resides at the feet of Mount Mabu, and similar to Nhambita has a great biodiversity potential, attractive for international corporations. In an interview with Boaventura and Natasha, Jose Ogaste Mardoela, president of the Limbue peasant association, recounts that the area available to them has been reduced throughout the years with the advent of international corporations such as Portucel Mozambique (owned by Portuguese &#8220;The Navigator Company) planting vast areas of Eucalyptus monocultures for paper production; or Indian owned Mozambique Holding’s monocultures of rubber trees, “causing terrible social and environmental impacts”.</span><br /><span style="color: #000000;">In collaboration with the local environmental organisation Justicia Ambiental since 2009, the community comes together to identify challenges and opportunities and how to defend their local needs and interests. They discuss and develop best practices to ensure sustainable use of the forests.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The people here helped and inspired each other to care for and conserve their biodiversity and ancestral practices. They practice conservation agriculture, small livestock raising and sustainable forest product foraging, all activities that contribute to the mitigation and adaptation to climate change at the same time ensuring livelihood to the families. </span><br /><span style="color: #000000;">As part of the participatory research, three people from the community of Nhambita were invited to join the trip to Mabu community to share experience and knowledge between the communities. </span><span style="color: #000000;">With the help of Justicia Ambiental, the inhabitants of Mabu were able to create associations able to inform and stand judicial conflicts with national and international corporations. </span><br /><span style="color: #000000;">“Before the association we had no control, people from far away would arrive and take what they wanted. But now we have an association, people can’t just come in” says Filomena Vilinho Socré, vice president of the association of women of Limbue.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Justicia Ambiental and the community continue to collaborate to ensure that the communities have the right to determine how to best use the local natural resources. For Boaventura and Natasha this is an example to follow if we want to achieve climate justice.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>PLAs</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">With the help of external funding, in the past 20 years the government has been designing plans of adaptation so-called “PLA – planos locais de adaptacao” for several districts in the country. As of today, many have already expired or are about to expire, but were never implemented. While a few communities (approx. less than 0.5%) were involved in the research process, it was by far representative, and many plans ended up being investment plans very similar to each other and were forgotten in the closet.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Conclusion</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Current climate change adaptation solutions in Mozambique are mostly top-down strategies extractive in nature, often funded by and benefitting the global north, perpetuating inequality and expropriation. </span><br /><span style="color: #000000;">Local communities have no or very limited say into solutions that should benefit them and mitigate climate change. In this regard, Redd+ projects have been widely criticized for their inefficiency and for doing more harm than good, by reducing climate adaptation to a mere trading and market mechanism, rather than taking the needs and rights of the communities and areas involved into account.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Boaventura and Natasha’s researches argue how full participation of the local and indigenous communities needs to be ensured for a just climate mitigation. Their needs should be met and prioritized, and community members should have decision power concerning projects in their areas.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">They advocate for equal and inclusive participation of the target group in the design and implementation of climate change adaptation solutions and for setting a stop to the extractive nature of development in the name of climate change.</span>  </p><p><a href="#_ednref1" name="_edn1"></a></p><p><a href="#_ednref2" name="_edn2"></a></p><p><a href="#_ednref3" name="_edn3"></a></p><p><a href="#_ednref4" name="_edn4"></a></p><p><a href="#_ednref5" name="_edn5"></a></p><p><a href="#_ednref6" name="_edn6"></a></p><p><a href="#_ednref7" name="_edn7"></a></p><p><a href="#_ednref8" name="_edn8"></a></p><p><a href="#_ednref9" name="_edn9"></a></p><p><a href="#_ednref10" name="_edn10"></a></p><p><a href="#_ednref11" name="_edn11"></a></p><p><span style="font-size: 12pt;"><em>Alberica Rindi is a MSc. in Global Development, University of Copenhagen</em></span></p>								</div>
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									<p><span style="color: #000080;">Boaventura and Natasha’s extensive research and findings can be accessed either as part of the book “Climate Justice and Participatory Research: Building climate-resilient commons” or viewed in the documentary: “For our forest”.</span></p>								</div>
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									<p style="margin: 0cm;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11.0pt;">Carbon</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 11.0pt;"> markets were created in the aftermath of the Kyoto Protocol in 2005. They are specialized types of financial markets where carbon credits can be sold and bought between both state and non-state actors such as<br />companies. Carbon credits are allowances which permit to emit a specific amount of carbon dioxide (C02) or greenhouse gas emissions (GHGs) to the entity who<br />owns it. Credits are created through the certification of carbon offsets or carbon capture; the reduction or removal of GHG from the atmosphere. </span></p>								</div>
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		<title>Fattige, Udsatte og Udstødte i Nord og Syd 1:2</title>
		<link>https://ddrn.dk/17360/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Arne Wangel]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 10 Jan 2025 19:00:50 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[No poverty]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Opinions]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Reduced inequalities]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Social Sciences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sustainable cities and communities]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[I denne og en følgende artikel gengives de fire oplæg fra DDRNs arrangement under Forskningens Døgn 2024 Fattigdom globalt og i Danmark v/ Knud Vilby &#8230; ]]></description>
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									<p><span style="color: #000000;"><em>I denne og en følgende artikel gengives de fire oplæg fra DDRNs arrangement under Forskningens Døgn 2024</em></span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Fattigdom globalt og i Danmark v/ Knud Vilby</strong></span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">Knud Vilby, som har arbejdet med fattigdom i Danmark og i Afrika, indledte med at nævne, at ”der er flere definitioner på fattigdom. En af de vigtigste definitioner er fattigdom som mangel på muligheder. Den dækker både over fattige individuelle mennesker og for fattige lande. Sidste år skrev Birthe Larsen, CBS, en lille bog <a style="color: #000000;" href="https://rg.enhedslisten.dk/anmeldelse-hvorfor-stiger-uligheden/">’Hvorfor stiger uligheden og hvad gør vi ved det?’</a> hvor hun også beskriver den danske situation og i øvrigt situationen i rigtig mange lande i den vestlige verden, at uligheden har været stigende siden slutningen af 1990’erne, også i det velregulerede land som Danmark er. Ulighed og fattigdom er ikke det samme, og nogle argumenterer for, at det ikke gør noget, at der er ulighed i et samfund, bare der er vækst, så det kan løfte alle, både rige og ikke så rige. Birthe Larsen har evidens for, at ulige samfund ikke har bedre vækstvilkår end andre. Hun nævner, hvad ulighed betyder for fattigdom i Danmark. Den er faldet lidt i de seneste år, men vi har omkring 54.000 børn – seneste tal fra 2021- som har levet i fattigdom i mindst et år ud fra EU-definitionerne. Der kan være dyk i indkomst, som kan håndteres. Men man ser på, hvor mange der har levet i fattigdom i tre år i træk, så er det 30.000 børn. Hun siger at vokse op i fattigdom spænder ben for børnene resten af livet. Tal fra Egmontfonden viser, at børn fra fattige familier har dårlige chancer for at klare sig gennem skole- og uddannelseslivet og det faglige senere i livet. Så det har livslange konsekvenser at vokse op i fattigdom. Også i Danmark, hvor nogle vil hævde, at vi stort set ikke har nogen fattigdom.</span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">Bruger vi definitionen om mangel på muligheder, så kan man sige, at det samme gælder i en vis forstand i fattige lande. Der er en række årsager til, at de er fattige. Hvad er deres muligheder for at komme ud af fattigdommen? De er sat bagud fra starten. De har typisk ringere adgang til kapital, til investeringer, de har en ringere infrastruktur, ringere adgang til selvstændig forskning. De er meget afhængige af, hvad investerende firmaer bringer ind af teknologi, fordi de har ikke en selvstændig udvikling af nye metoder. De har generelt et lavere uddannelsesniveau. De er bagud på alle mulige områder. Men de har billig arbejdskraft, og på grund af de andre ting, skal den arbejdskraft være rigtig billig. Og mange lande laver frihandelsområder for at tiltrække investeringer, forbyder fagforeninger og sikrer, at arbejdskraften er så absolut billig som den kan blive. Man kan have en fornemmelse af – og jeg er med til at skrive om det – at der er masser af ressourcer, unge mennesker og masser af muligheder, og der sker en masse spændende ting. Og det skal man altid huske. Men den anden sandhed er den, at de er bagud på points i starten, og at de kommer længere og længere bagud. Jeg prøvede at beskrive det i en lille bog <a style="color: #000000;" href="https://www.information.dk/kultur/anmeldelse/2002/08/staar-virkelig-saa-skidt">’Kampen mod de fattige’</a> for nogle år siden, om de mekanismer, som er med til at fastholde fattigdom og uddybe fattigdom nogle steder, sundhed, miljø, uddannelse, forskning, alt det som man er bagud på. En sportsmetafor: 200 lande løber om kap med tilsyneladende samme forudsætninger, men klarer sig ikke alle lige godt. De 50 første over målstregen får hver udleveret en cykel og så fortsætter kapløbet som et kapløb mellem cyklende og løbende. Ved næste målstreg får de femten første, som mærkeligt nok alle er cyklister, hver udleveret en bil. De fortsætter med 100 km/t mod endnu en målstreg. Man kan godt give de bagerste avancerede løbesko, men det vil ikke ændre noget. De vil hele tiden komme længere og længere bagud i forhold til dem, der har den mest avancerede teknologi. Nogle kan komme med eksempler på, at der er undtagelser, og det er rigtigt. Kina er et af de lande, der har reduceret fattigdom. Kinas umådelige økonomiske vækst, som også har skabt voldsom øget ulighed i Kina, men som også har været med til at udrydde den absolutte fattigdom.&nbsp;</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Der er endnu et par faktorer at medtage, når man snakker lande og fattigdom. Fattige kan også have en tendens til at ødelægge miljøet. Vi har det store ansvar for klimakrise. Men fattige mennesker uden ressourcer, bønder, nomader bruger hvad de kan bruge, de udpiner jorden, de fælder træer. De gør ting, som de via nedarvet visdom godt ved er forkert, men som de er nødt til at gøre for at overleve. Dermed accelerer de nogle steder den miljø- og klimakrise, som i virkeligheden rammer dem selv allerhårdest og gør dem endnu fattigere. I 1990 kom der fra <a style="color: #000000;" href="https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/entities/publication/6db831cb-da31-5fa6-a754-0dc7182ef75b">Verdensbanken den første store fattigdomsanalyse</a> om hvem der lever for under 1 $ om dagen. Dengang 1,1 mia. Forventningen var, at det kunne nedbringes til ca. 800 mio. ved årtusindskiftet, men da var tallet det samme, dog en mindre procentdel af jordens samlede befolkning grundet dens vækst. I dag siger de seneste tal 700 mio. har 2-3 $ om dagen (absolut fattige). Nu er vi der, hvor man havde forventet at være for 25 år siden. Antallet af fattige voksede under Corona epidemien. Aktuelt vokser det igen formentlig med de mange konflikter. Og klimakrisen føles i rigtig store dele af verden med tørke og oversvømmelse, som tvinger folk væk fra de områder, hvor de har boet hidtil, og hvortil de ofte ikke kan komme tilbage. Hvorfor er det så svært i en verden med overforbrug og overproduktion samt en klimakrise skabt af, at der bruges for meget? Vi lever i en markedsøkonomi, som har den funktion, at den koncentrerer velstanden, medmindre man med meget stærke politiske indsatser modvirker den tendens. Globalisering med fri bevægelighed for næsten alting undtagen arbejdskraft, jf. stram udlændingepolitik. Der kan spekuleres verden over. Andelen af investeringer til lønninger falder i forhold til andelen der går til rentebetalinger. Formuerne koncentreres mere og mere.&nbsp;</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><a style="color: #000000;" href="https://oxfam.dk/publikationer">OXFAM</a> laver nogle analyser: milliardærer har vækst i formue på 35%. 5 mia. har ingen vækst haft. De rigeste 48.000 mennesker i DK nu har en formue, der svarer til hvad 3,9 mio. af befolkningen ejer. Ejendoms- og jordfordelingen ligner hvad man havde for flere hundrede år siden. Den voksende ulighed i DK bliver påvist i statistikker en gang om året. Der er ikke nogen fattigdomsgrænse, og børnefattigdom snakkes der ikke om. Når uligheden vokser i DK: En reguleringsmekanisme for overførselsindkomster som er lavere end den for lønninger. Det forklarer stadig stigning i ulighed. Dogmer i DK: 1. Øge arbejdsudbud, 2. Betale sig at arbejde også lavtlønnet vs. understøttelse (reducere de laveste overførsler, f.eks. enlige mødre), 3. Stram udlændingepolitik, f.eks. kontanthjælpsloft næsten kun rammer dem; politikere snakker udenom, det ønsker man ikke at gøre noget ved. 3. generel erhvervs- og beskæftigelsespolitik &#8211; gerne tiltrække investeringer udefra, gerne sikre generationsskifte i virksomheder, hvilket har ført til sænkning af formue- og virksomhedsskatter, konkurrence mellem vestlige lande – langt lavere skat på formuer. Samme frygt for fravalg af investeringslande ses også i den fattige verden. Store virksomheder afholder auktion: Hvem kan give os de bedste vilkår? Afgørende at tiltrække udenlandske investeringer. I fattige samfund får de fattige ingen støtte overhovedet.”</span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;"><em><u>&nbsp;</u></em></span><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Fredens Havn/Pirathavnen v/ Henrik Valeur</strong></span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">Arkitekt Henrik Valeur, som er forfatter bl.a. til bøgerne ’The Floating Community’ og ‘An-other City’, fortalte om sin aktionsforskning i et flydende bofællesskab for outsidere Fredens Havn/Pirathavnen i Københavns Havn i 2018 og frem til begyndelsen af 2022:</span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">”I aktionsforskning er det vigtigt ikke så meget, hvad man forsker i, men hvem man forsker for. Forskningen er baseret på et direkte samarbejde med bestemte befolkningsgrupper med henblik på at forbedre og skabe nye muligheder. Mit oplæg handler om vores manglende forståelse og derfor måske også frygt for det fremmede og anderledes både i forhold til andre mennesker – her havne nomaderne, og i forhold til naturen, som nomaderne accepterer som den er – den ydre som den indre – og forsøger at tilpasse sig i stedet for som bofaste at ville kontrollere den.</span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">Det blev nævnt, at nomader også forurener. Det gør de måske også. Men som udgangspunkt er de dem, der forurener mindst overhovedet. De udpiner ikke jorden, de flytter sig. Deres arkitektur er derfor også let og flytbar og sætter få eller ingen spor. Der er forskel på at skabe arkitektur og at være arkitekt. Arkitektur er noget alle har haft til alle tider, hvorimod arkitekten er den bofastes opfindelse, som skal give form til denne arkitektur, som er tung og fast og afsætter masser af spor, også massive økonomiske fodspor. Frygten for at miste deres frihed er indskrevet i havne nomadernes sange og fortællinger om hvordan de tidligere er blevet handlet og fanget og som tvangsarbejdere og holdt som slaver. De få hav nomader, som er tilbage, er truet af 1) de nationalstater, hvis territorier de bevæger sig imellem. 2) en såkaldt civilisatorisk udvikling, som udsletter deres kultur. 3) de fastboendes og turisternes overforbrug af naturens ressourcer og forurening. Det kunne f.eks. være koralfjeld, der bliver ødelagt, og 4) de naturfredningsprojekter, som er en konsekvens heraf samt de klimaforandringer, som ødelægger de økosystemer de er afhængige af.</span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">Hav nomaderne er marginaliseret. Deres syn på verden er totalt uforståeligt for den dominerende kultur, hjælpeorganisationer og embedsmænd. I København boede der også en slags hav nomader. Outsidere, som ikke passede ind i det moderne samfunds fastlagte orden. Det selvorganiserede flydende bofællesskab i selv-istandsatte småbåde, selvbyggede småhytter.</span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">(Speak til video) Hesten, som her spiser morgenmad med Amalie, kaldte det Fredens Havn, andre Pirathavnen, Et kort billede af den perfekte by. Alternativet til det her. Ham her mistede først sin kone, sin datter og sin svigersøn. Han fandt fred i havnen og fik mod på livet i sine små overdækkede joller, hvor han byggede mærkelige apparater og eget badeværelse. Hesten byggede dette kombinerede drivhus og værksted og dagligstue med byens bedste udsigt. På plankerne udenfor herskede hejren. Faktisk trives fuglene rigtig godt. I den lokale biotop skabte de flydende boliger ly i sivene langs vandet, hvor de kunne yngle i fred. Så blev sivene ryddet for affald efter beboerne ikke længere bor der. De badede selv i vandet og havde derfor en egeninteresse i at holde det rent. Jeg siger det fordi det var ligesom et hovedargument imod, nogen satte et rygte i gang om at de sked i vandet. Men de byggede faktisk multtoiletter, de var ikke tilkoblet hverken kloaksystem eller lign. Det gjorde også, at de ikke brugte så meget, fordi man tænker over hvor meget vand man bruger og hvordan man kan genbruge det, hvis man skal hente det i en dunk en halv kilometer væk.</span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">På land havde NOMA stillet et lille landområde til rådighed for dem. Her komposterede de afføringen og brugte den som gødning i deres fælles køkkenhave. På land kunne man finde mange selvgroede spiselige planter. Det var nogenlunde de samme ingredienser, der blev brugt i deres folkekøkken og i verdens bedste restaurant. I modsætning til køkkenpersonalet i NOMA, måtte beboerne i havnen selv finde på løsninger til at opbevare og tilberede maden. Her lavede vi forsøg med nedkøling ved hjælp af salt i to lerkrukker og opvarmning ved hjælp af sølvpapir fra chips poser. Man bruger asken fra bålet til at lave aske pulver. Gabriel havde en nemmere måde at vaske tøj på, at hænge det ud i regn og blæst et par dage. Speederen har bygget en lerovn og en fantastisk træskulptur, som han har kaldt havguden. Sira tegnede og digtede. Stormen og Karmi optrådte. Loftet i Patricks båd var et kollektivt kunstværk malet af beboerne i havnen. Havnen var i sig selv en slags kollektivt arkitekturværk, der hele tiden forandrede sig.</span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">Beboerne var kreative og spirituelle mennesker, måske var det derfor de ikke passede ind i det omgivende samfund. Noget som forbandt de meget forskellige mennesker i havnen, og som gjorde det svært for dem at passe ind i det moderne samfund, og som de havde til fælles med havnomaderne, var et stærkt behov for frihed. Som Patrick udtrykte det, når man bor på sin egen båd, er man kaptajn i sit eget liv, eller som Pastor sagde: Det der er ude, er for mig hjem. Det samme gjaldt for Andreas, som havde det princip, at alle hans ejendele skulle kunne være i en rygsæk. Eller måske var man bare som Kami et uidentificeret flydende objekt. Siri tegnede et kort over, hvordan hun flyttede rundt i havnen. Først boede hun i et telt i haven. Så lånte hun en båd. Derefter fik hun en kæreste, som hun flyttede ind hos. Så flyttede hun over til Flyver, og senere er hun flyttet tilbage til Hesteøen. Det er nemt at flytte rundt, når ens bolig er flydende. Det er bare at flytte den, hvis man bliver træt af naboen. Og derfor kunne mange forskellige mennesker have adresse det samme sted. Folk som måske ellers ville have levet på gaden, men også unge aktivister, som forsøgte at leve helt uden penge. Er det ikke det mest subversive, man kan gøre i vores samfund? Der var studerende fra de kreative uddannelsesinstitutioner på Holmen bagved, og der var selvlærte kunstnere og åndemanere.</span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">Det mindede lidt om kolonihaver, hvor der typisk bor folk, som ikke passer ind i socialt boligbyggeri, eller hvad der ellers er mulighed for. De selvgroede kolonihaver som her i Sydhavn blev til at begynde med anset for slum, men blev med tiden meget mere eftertragtede. Det der i begyndelsen var isolerede lejligheder i isolerede murstensbygninger med centralvarme med træk og slip. Grunden til at kolonihaverne blev mere eftertragtede, tror jeg, er fordi beboerne selv skabte, forandrede og udviklede deres miljø. Det kan de andre ikke. Der er alt bestemt på forhånd af nogle andre, f.eks. arkitekter. Spørgsmålet er ikke om det skal være det ene eller det andet, men om der overhovedet skal være plads til det andet, til det der ser lidt anderledes ud, til dem der lever lidt anderledes, dem der ikke har råd, eller som ikke har lyst til at bo og leve på samme måde som flertallet.</span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">I Danmark har vi en lang maritim tradition, som rækker tilbage i hvert fald til bronzealderen, hvor man sejlede ned gennem de europæiske floder til Sortehavet og Middelhavet. Kortet her viser de områder, der vil blive oversvømmet ved seks meters havvandsstigninger. I stedet for at blive ved med at opføre tunge og faste betonbyggerier helt ned til kajkanten, kunne man jo flyde på vandet. Man kunne måske endda forestille sig et netværk af flydende bebyggelser, som ville skabe nye forbindelser på tværs af landet. Det efterprøvede vi på en rejse rundt til forskellige havnebyer i Danmark, hvor vi byggede elementer til et muligt nyt flydende bofællesskab sammen med frivillige. Vi var på byggefestival i Ebeltoft, hvor vi prøver at skabe en landsby af <em>tiny houses</em> på land. Med på turen var Mikkel, som var i erhvervsafklaringspraktik i Randers. Desværre fulgte bostøtten og de andre hjælpemidler, han havde, ikke med, fordi det jo kun foregik i én kommune. Det er måske problemet for myndighederne, hvordan de med deres bofaste tænkning, hvordan skal de forstå og hjælpe en rastløs person som Mikkel. Vi kom også til Ålborg, hvor vi fik vores små bygninger udstillet af lokale gadekunstnere og udstillet på havnefronten i byen.</span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">Bagefter flyttede vi så ud til Fjordby, hvor folk oprindeligt var flyttet ind i fiskerskure, men der var de lidt udsatte for vestenvinden. Om efteråret flyttede vi så ind på det nedlagte værft, og her boede jeg hele vinteren i et hus på 12 m2. Men Byrådet gav tilladelse til at byudvikle værftsområdet og så blev vi smidt ud. Så skar vi en meter af huset og satte det på agterstavnen af Lars’ skib, og så sejlede de ud i verden med det, fordi de var nemlig også blevet smidt ud. Sammen med det Grønlandske Hus, Veteranforeningen, og Udsatterådet i Aalborg lavede vi et spil om det flydende bofællesskab, som jeg spillede med kommunalpolitikerne og medlemmer af Udsatterådet. Men den slags byudvikling bliver der vist ikke plads til, så vidt jeg kan fornemme.</span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">Meningen var ellers, at med det skulle myndigheder og politikere have mulighed for bedre at forstå de udsatte og deres anderledes, særlige ønsker.</span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">Der er andre steder, hvor folk bor på vandet. Her er det bydelen Makoko uden for Lagos, den største by i Afrika. Ingen ved hvor mange der bor, men det er efter sigende den største flydende, uformelle bebyggelse i verden. Trafikken i Lagos kan være noget kaotisk, så man anlagde en motorvej hen over lagunen til lufthavnen. Og det er jo lidt pinligt, når der kommer vigtige gæster til byen, at de skal se det slum. Så for nogle år siden forsøgte regeringen at rydde hele bydelen. Det lykkedes ikke, men det lykkedes dog at gøre 30.000 mennesker hjemløse. Ideen om, at regeringen simpelthen kan skubbe folk ud af deres hjem uden nogen diskussion, uden at anerkende årtiers beboelse, synes desværre at være normalt i Lagos.</span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">Myndighederne synes her at gå til byplanlægning ud fra en autoritær synsvinkel som om deres ønsker om udvikling går forud for alt andet. Der er forskel på antallet, men ellers synes historien at være helt den samme om det er et fattigt afrikansk land eller ikke. For hvad skete der med beboerne i Erdkehlgraven, som Frank Jensen højtideligt havde lovet, at kommunen ville tage sig af. Jo, vi beboere i Københavns kommune gav dem 10 mio. til at gøre dem hjemløse, så nogle rige naboer kunne få en pæn udsigt, og 40.000 til at kommunens medarbejdere kunne tage ud og oplyse beboerne om deres rettigheder og muligheder som hjemløse. Det er ikke klart for mig, hvorfor det skulle koste så meget. Det var hurtigt overstået. De kunne blive skrevet op til en herbergs plads, og det var der ikke nogen, som var interesseret i. Fristedet blev ryddet i begyndelsen af januar 2022 efter mere end 10 års eksistens midt i den værste pandemi og det værste tidspunkt på året at blive gjort hjemløs.</span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">Året efter var København så udnævnt til verdens arkitekturhovedstad med et slogan om, at vi har historien til fælles, vi har hverdagen til fælles, vi har naturen til fælles, og vi har arkitekturen til fælles. Men hvem er vi? Samtidig blev der afholdt en stor international kongres for arkitekter i byen og i den anledning havde Kbh. Kommune sammen med By og Havn og Arkitektforeningen inviteret arkitekter til at byde ind og opføre pavilloner langs havneløbet i Kbh.s havn, der skulle stå som danske arkitektursignaturer for verdenspressens tema ’Sustainable Futures Leave No One Behind’. Det var nu ikke til dem, man havde gjort hjemløse. ’Storken’ boede først bag i en varevogn og derefter på en sofa hos en venlig sjæl, så han efter et halvt år fik tildelt en såkaldt skæv bolig. Det at den er skæv betyder bare, at den er bygget af dårlige materialer, eller at det er sjusket håndværk, at den er meget lille og er placeret i den yderste udkant af kommunen langt fra byliv, indkøbsmuligheder. I halvdelen af det fælles affaldsskur har Storken sammen med viceværten indrettet et værksted, hvor beboerne kan reparere cykler og lignende. Han har også bygget et terrasse overdækning med materialer fra Socialforvaltningen til ham og hans nabo. Men nu vil boligselskabet have det hele fjernet og ført tilbage til den oprindelige stand. Også hans campingvogn og varevogn, som han tidligere har boet i, holder på det fælles parkeringsområde uden nummerplader. Så hvad er meningen med skæve boliger, hvis det ikke er at give plads til det skæve liv. Er det at disciplinere de skæve eksistenser, så de kan blive lige så retvinklede som os andre.</span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">Det der gør det endnu mere uforståeligt er, at tilkørslen til de her boliger – de tre bygninger der ligger der, hvor der er tolv lejligheder ialt – er lavet sådan, at man intet kan se udefra. Tilkørslen er lavet parallelt og så med bevoksning hele vejen udenom, så man kan intet se udefra. Det er totalt isoleret, så det er uforståeligt hvorfor det skal være så rigidt som andre steder. Selv på motorvejen kan man intet se. Til gengæld kan beboerne dag og nat høre den konstante summen af bilerne”.</span></p>
<p><span style="color: #000000;">Min pointe er, at dette – at flyde på vandet &#8211; faktisk er en mulig løsning på stigende havvandstand, som på længere sigt kan have katastrofale virkninger for byen.&#8221;</span></p>								</div>
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			</item>
		<item>
		<title>Smart Greenhouse: Efficiency and Ancestral Knowledge to Combat Climate Change</title>
		<link>https://ddrn.dk/17011/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Marta Apablaza Riquelme]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 29 Nov 2024 10:18:43 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Applied Sciences]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Art and Humanities]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Climate action]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[News]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Sustainable cities and communities]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[Technological innovation and indigenous tradition can go hand in hand and provide a better quality of life to children and adults in Mapuche communities —who &#8230; ]]></description>
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									<p><span style="color: #000000;">Technological innovation and indigenous tradition can go hand in hand and provide a better quality of life to children and adults in Mapuche communities —who live in rural areas— and at the same time strengthen their traditions. This is the objective of the “smart greenhouse” installed in the José Painecura Hueñalihuen community, with the support of scientific researchers from the University of Chile and the University of La Frontera.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Located 50 kilometers from the coast in the Araucanía region, in southern Chile, with the Pacific Ocean, fresh air and high hills as neighbors, the José Painecura Hueñalihuen Mapuche community is home to approximately 120 people (children, youth and adults) who identify themselves as “<em>lafkenches</em>”, which means, “people of the sea”. This community is mainly dedicated to tourism, collecting seaweed and shellfish and selling vegetables.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The symptoms of the climate crisis are not foreign to such southern places where nature is still preserved. In the case of the Araucanía or Wallmapu region, as the Mapuche call the territory they inhabit, desertification and land degradation are advancing rapidly due to the scarcity and decrease in rainfall caused by climate change.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">“One of the consequences of desertification is water scarcity, which is further complicated in rural areas when water from a pit or underground aquifer is used, on which various families in a community depend on for their consumption, so the adequate management of the available water volume becomes imperative,” explains Daniela Lasso, an electrical civil engineer from the University of Chile, in her research.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">And just as the climate changes little by little, the people who inhabit these territories also resent the “to live far away.” The latter is named several times as the most difficult thing about living in this rural community. Added to this obstacle is the fact that access to water for domestic use and agricultural work is expensive, since as Daniela Lasso points out in her research, water is extracted from wells by using electric pumps.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">In this context, access to electricity for Mapuche families is intermittent, since the community spends “on average 35 days a year without electricity.” This is indicated by Doris Sáez Hueichapan, an academic from the Department of Electrical Engineering at the University of Chile, who adds: “The Internet, which represents connectivity for families, is also an intermittent service.”</span></p><h2><span style="font-size: 14pt; color: #000000;"><strong>Smart greenhouse: efficiency and ancestral knowledge</strong></span></h2><p><span style="color: #000000;">One of the traditional economic activities of the Mapuche people is the sale of vegetables. This is where the importance of having a smart greenhouse comes from, because they need a closed, covered and equipped area to grow fruits and vegetables for the community.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">With the aim of supporting agricultural production and, in addition, carrying out scientific and technological research, academics and students from the University of Chile and the University of La Frontera, interested in interculturality, started a project where, together with the José Painecura Hueñalihuen community, and directors and teachers from nearby public schools, they have installed three greenhouses supplied by solar energy and monitored via the Internet.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">The goal? To use energy and water more efficiently and to maintain the conditions of the plants in the greenhouses. Before the implementation of the smart greenhouses, the agricultural habits of the community were, in the case of Mr. Ermes García Huenchuñir (owner of one of the three greenhouses), to water every day for 10 minutes (throughout the year). This, without knowing the exact volume of water he used. In summer, when “Antü” (Sun in Mapudungun) beats down hard in the area, Mr. Ermes left the door and windows of the greenhouse open. On the contrary, in winter he left the doors and windows closed.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">In this context, the researchers proposed to the community that having control over irrigation, temperature and humidity in the greenhouse would make the economic activity of several families more efficient. In the case of García Huenchuñir, he could grow tomatoes, lettuce, cabbage, Italian squash and cucumbers more efficiently, and thus sell and consume them with his wife and two daughters.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">“Low-cost technology was installed to automate the greenhouse, install humidity sensors to know when to water and optimize the water issue as much as possible due to the water shortage present in the region. Energy, water and food have a very close relationship,” explains academic Sáez.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">To achieve this, the smart greenhouse used a weather station and a central controller, which are powered by a solar panel and which together form an Internet of Things (IoT) system that can be monitored and controlled remotely. </span><span style="color: #000000;">The implementation of this control system in the greenhouse is composed of an anemometer (a device used to measure wind speed), air and soil humidity sensors, as well as water controls for irrigation.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">“The implementation of this system includes a software that can be controlled through a web page that allows viewing data and interacting with the solenoid valves and windows of the greenhouse,” explains Oscar Poblete, an electrical engineering student about to graduate, who along with his classmate Oscar Villagra are in charge of implementing the project.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">“It should be noted that this project is made respecting the culture of the place and the relationship with nature, something that is very important for the Mapuche people,” explains Saéz. </span><span style="color: #000000;">She states this because in some areas where the Mapuche people live in southern Chile, there is a long history of “technical solutions”, for example, hydroelectric plants that have caused discord and controversy between the communities, the government and the  private companies.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">“It is important to be able to implement this solution in the communities, precisely because there are private companies that have destroyed ecosystems or sacred places for the communities. In this context, we, for example, do not even try to manipulate the greenhouse, wich means, make holes in it or break it to install something. Every step is made with care,&#8221; adds Poblete.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Installation difficulties: a small solar panel</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Despite all the benefits of a smart greenhouse powered by solar panels, its implementation has had difficulties and limitations. </span><span style="color: #000000;">Months after its implementation and after using it to plant vegetables, the automated irrigation hoses in the greenhouse stopped working. “It seems that the solar panel is too small and does not have the capacity needed for the greenhouse… the solar panel needs a little more volume,” explains García Huenchuñir, the owner of the greenhouse. </span><span style="color: #000000;">And he adds: “At the times when I want to use it, for example, and it is cloudy, the battery of the automatic irrigation system is low and is not enough to operate the irrigation.”</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">According to García Huenchuñir, the greenhouse has a certain organization: “We used to water the plants at certain hours in the afternoon – he points to the soil – so the plants would have better strength. And in that section, when it was installed, it worked really well. The automatic aspect of the technology worked really well. But later, as I was saying, the power started to go down and there was no strength to water the plants. And then we had to work manually, as I always did.”</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Consulted about the possibility of expanding the benefits of this solution, Mr. Hermes responds that the solar panels could supply electricity to houses in the community, or the automation of the irrigation could be applied to potato or wheat crops. “That would be a very good projection for the future, if there was the opportunity for someone to advise us on that subject,” he indicates and adds: “Everything that one plants would give much better results.”</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;"><strong>Smart greenhouses: educational incentive</strong></span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Very close to the Mapuche community José Painecura Hueñalihuen, the public elementary school “Bajo Yupehue”, which means “Place of hedgehogs” in Mapuzugun, is located and serves the indigenous communities José Huenchuñir, Manuel Epullán and José Painecura.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">During 2022, the school installed a smart greenhouse with the help of academics and students from the University of Chile and the University of La Frontera under the leadership of the director of the establishment, Jorge Henríquez Castillo, Professor Cristian Carrillo and traditional educator Miriam Llancapan. The objective is for children to be able to learn about technology, but also to strengthen their tradition and culture, as medicinal herbs will also be planted.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">“I think the most important thing about this greenhouse is to encourage children because the school’s educational project is for students to continue studying. Being here in the countryside, sometimes it is difficult for them to visualize that there is another world that is technological, beyond social networks. But the fact that they manipulate things here and interact with them… This is the main objective of this smart greenhouse, because due to its resources it is difficult for them to see the installation of an irrigation system. But they can study it, right? Become professionals. That is the vision and it is in the mission of the school, that children continue studying. And in fact, they all go out to study,” explains Henríquez.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">“The greenhouse is not only an example of how to better manage resources (water and electricity), but it is also an opportunity for seventh and eighth grade students at the schools to be educated in software, water and energy management, and meteorological concepts. The idea of ​​the School&#8217;s teachers and the academics involved in the project is that the students and members of the community awaken their curiosity, encourage them to go to university, but also that they apply their knowledge in their territories of origin to support their communities,&#8221; says Sáez.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Although the project has had some limitations, such as the lack of energy capacity, it has meant saving time and money on energy for its beneficiaries. </span><span style="color: #000000;">This is how García Huenchuñir expresses it: &#8220;Before they installed the solar panel, I paid between 70 and 80 thousand pesos (80 USD) in electricity to operate the water pump. Today we are saving much more (I pay around 10 thousand pesos(10 USD)). When they brought this project, it seemed good to me because it is something that was useful for me and an economy in terms of energy. In addition, it supplies me with water for the pump. Saving time and energy. As well as in terms of irrigation, in terms of bringing water to improve the greenhouse, the plants, for irrigation, all that.&#8221;</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Both the Mapuche community and academics and researchers hope that in the future, smart greenhouses and solar panels with more energy capacity for the entire community can be implemented. This raises a question: How scalable are sustainable solutions?</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">Juan Ignacio Huircan Quilaqueo, an academic from the Universidad de La Frontera who collaborates on the project, says: “Sustainability is expensive because you have to pay for it and once it is financed, the benefits may not be immediate. It is a bit like eating healthy. However, by implementing a project that is sustainable, it means that, in some way and in the long term, the beneficiaries will have equal opportunities in relation to certain things.”</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">He also reflects on intercultural work: “One can come from the Western world to introduce technology into a place where the society of that place operates under other rules and variables that are not as tangible elements as engineering,  numbers or equations.”</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">He adds: “One has to think about what is pressing on the community. What do you do when you arrive in a community? If you are not from the community, you can produce an invasive effect. Then you have to question the impact of your actions. For example, if I have planned, from a geographical point of view, to install a series of equipment in different places, because I saw it on the map. And they tell you: &#8220;No, well&#8221; you can’t go there because there is water or because there are trees. ’There is a cultural issue that you cannot arrive and enter a community and change things. Sometimes a certain world tries to absorb and override another world, and that, without thinking that the laws, the rules that govern the other world, are also perfectly valid. And sometimes I think that this way of life is also sustainable,” he concludes.</span></p><p><span style="color: #000000;">*This article is part of the &#8220;Fair Energy Solutions&#8221; program by <a style="color: #000000;" href="https://climatetrackerlatam.org/">Climate Tracker</a> and Open Society Foundation</span></p><p><i>Marta Apablaza Riquelme is a freelance science journalist based in Santiago, Chile</i></p>								</div>
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										<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="540" height="720" src="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto2.jpeg" class="attachment-large size-large wp-image-17017" alt="" srcset="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto2.jpeg 540w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto2-225x300.jpeg 225w" sizes="(max-width: 540px) 100vw, 540px" />											<figcaption class="widget-image-caption wp-caption-text">The “smart” greenhouse powered by solar energy seeks to minimize and monitor the water and temperature requirements of the vegetables grown by Ermes García Huenchuñir. Credit: Marta Apablaza Riquelme</figcaption>
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										<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="960" height="720" src="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto3.jpeg" class="attachment-large size-large wp-image-17018" alt="" srcset="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto3.jpeg 960w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto3-300x225.jpeg 300w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto3-768x576.jpeg 768w" sizes="(max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px" />											<figcaption class="widget-image-caption wp-caption-text">Jorge Henríquez, director of the Bajo Yupehue Public School, and Doris Sáez Hueichapan, researcher at the Institute of Complex Engineering Systems (ISCI) of the University of Chile, lead the team in charge of implementing the smart greenhouse. Credit: Marta Apablaza Riquelme</figcaption>
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										<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="540" height="720" src="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto4.jpeg" class="attachment-large size-large wp-image-17019" alt="" srcset="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto4.jpeg 540w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto4-225x300.jpeg 225w" sizes="(max-width: 540px) 100vw, 540px" />											<figcaption class="widget-image-caption wp-caption-text">The sensor built to automate the greenhouse is inexpensive and provides information on when it is appropriate to water and thus optimize this resource to the maximum. Credit: Marta Apablaza Riquelme</figcaption>
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										<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="960" height="720" src="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto5.jpeg" class="attachment-large size-large wp-image-17020" alt="" srcset="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto5.jpeg 960w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto5-300x225.jpeg 300w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto5-768x576.jpeg 768w" sizes="(max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px" />											<figcaption class="widget-image-caption wp-caption-text">Ermes García Huenchuñir is the owner of one of the greenhouses in the Mapuche community of José Painecura Hueñalihuen. Credit: Marta Apablaza Riquelme</figcaption>
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										<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="540" height="720" src="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto6.jpeg" class="attachment-large size-large wp-image-17021" alt="" srcset="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto6.jpeg 540w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto6-225x300.jpeg 225w" sizes="(max-width: 540px) 100vw, 540px" />											<figcaption class="widget-image-caption wp-caption-text">Oscar Villagra (Universidad de La Frontera) and Oscar Poblete (Universidad de Chile) are working on the implementation of the humidity and temperature sensors for the project. Credit: Marta Apablaza Riquelme.</figcaption>
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										<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="960" height="720" src="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto7.jpeg" class="attachment-large size-large wp-image-17022" alt="" srcset="https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto7.jpeg 960w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto7-300x225.jpeg 300w, https://ddrn.dk/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Foto7-768x576.jpeg 768w" sizes="(max-width: 960px) 100vw, 960px" />											<figcaption class="widget-image-caption wp-caption-text">The group of academics and students working on the project visit the community and the greenhouse every two weeks. Credit: Marta Apablaza Riquelme</figcaption>
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