Daniela Padilla – DDRN

When Local Knowledge Leads: Transforming Humanitarian Action from the Ground Up

Daniela Padilla — Tue, 10 Mar 2026 10:06:33 +0000

By October 2025, according to OCHA, only 23% of the global humanitarian funding required for the previous year had been met. Behind this percentage lies a stark reality: millions of people affected by conflict, displacement, and climate-related disasters received less support than planned, while frontline responders struggled to stretch increasingly limited resources. The shortfall reinforces a pressing question: who has access to funding, who controls it, and who ultimately decides how it is used?

These tensions sit at the heart of contemporary international development. Grounded in principles of solidarity and shared responsibility (articulated through agendas such as the Sustainable Development Goals under the United Nations) development is framed not merely as technical assistance, but as a collective commitment to building more inclusive, equitable, and sustainable societies. Yet the language of partnership and multilateralism often contrasts with operational realities. International cooperation operates through complex systems of bilateral donors, multilateral institutions, development banks, civil society organizations and non-governmental organizations, where financial control and decision-making frequently remain concentrated in donor countries.

Forms of cooperation shape these power dynamics. Many developing countries have historically preferred multilateral assistance, perceiving it as less directly tied to national security or commercial interests than bilateral aid. International aid has therefore been conceived not only as a mechanism for resource transfer, but as a means of addressing structural inequalities within the global system. This broader ambition, however, intensifies debates about ownership, accountability, and authority in development cooperation.

Localization as a Structural Shift in Development Practice

It is within this structural tension, between normative commitments to solidarity and the realities of asymmetrical control, that localization has emerged as one of the most significant contemporary reform agendas. By seeking to rebalance resources, authority, and decision-making toward local actors in the Global South, localization challenges operational practices and the political economy of international cooperation itself.

The agenda gained momentum at the World Humanitarian Summit and through the Grand Bargain, which committed states and organizations to increase direct support to local and national actors and strengthen their institutional capacity. At its core, localization shifts development practice from externally designed, donor-driven interventions toward approaches grounded in local ownership, contextual knowledge, and community leadership — often summarized as “as local as possible, as international as necessary.”

Local and national NGOs are widely recognized as crucial actors in humanitarian and development action. They possess contextual expertise, cultural legitimacy, and sustained community presence, often remaining long after international agencies withdraw. In many crises, they serve as first responders, maintaining access where international actors face security or logistical constraints. Consequently, NGOs play a distinctive role, emphasizing participation, civil society strengthening, and empowerment — enabling marginalized groups to articulate and defend their interests.

However, participation has often remained consultative rather than transformative. In many cases, local actors are invited to contribute but not to lead. Localization seeks to move beyond inclusion toward ownership: the capacity to define priorities, shape strategies, and control resources.

Hence, l ocalization can be understood in two ways. On one level, it represents an internal reform of the development architecture, improving efficiency and accountability by leveraging local knowledge in complex contexts. On a deeper level, it signals a normative shift, reimagining cooperation not merely as resource transfer but as a redistribution of authority and partnership. In this sense, localization challenges paternalistic tendencies and seeks to align practice with principles of solidarity and self-determination articulated in the UN framework.

Putting Localization into Action

As part of this process of strengthening local political agency, Street Child provides a clear example of how localization moves from concept to practice. Its approach is defined by working alongside local partners to co-design solutions grounded in community priorities rather than externally imposed templates. Through initiatives such as its flagship project, Elevating Local Leadership in Emergencies (ELLIE), Street Child engages local actors as full partners (not merely implementers) supporting them to lead programmes, access resources, and assume roles within broader humanitarian coordination structures. Partnerships are structured not only around delivery but around institutional strengthening, including support for funding access, financial and safeguarding systems, monitoring frameworks and long-term organizational autonomy.

A central element of this model is the intentional transfer of technical expertise. Approaches such as Teaching at the Right Level (TaRL) and Accelerated Learning are embedded within local NGOs, enabling independent, high-quality delivery. Increasingly, this strategy incorporates a gender-responsive lens, recognizing women as educators, leaders, and agents of intergenerational transformation. By localizing both expertise and leadership, including women’s leadership, the aim is not only effectiveness but structural rebalancing.

This approach is particularly visible in Uganda, where Street Child advanced localization within programmes supported by Education Cannot Wait (ECW), the United Nations’ global billion-dollar fund for education in emergencies and protracted crises. Under ECW’s Multi-Year Resilience Programme (MYRP) and First Emergency Response (FER) frameworks, Street Child co-established a dedicated Localization Unit to create fairer access to funding for national NGOs. By enabling them to compete equitably with international organizations, a significant share of programme funding flowed directly to national partners, strengthening locally led education responses and shifting decision-making closer to affected communities.

In South Sudan, a similar approach has been taken through the Education For All South Sudan (EFASS) programme and Street Child’s Partnership Support Unit. Here, local actors are supported to lead emergency education interventions, with hands-on guidance to manage resources, secure funding, and build robust organisational systems. This support strengthens local ownership while also embedding accountability, transparency and operational resilience. The programme actively promotes women’s leadership in schools and communities, recognizing the long-term impact of gender-equitable education on society.

As a result, by prioritizing local expertise and leadership, Street Child demonstrates that effective interventions are rooted in the knowledge, networks, and agency of those closest to affected communities. Its model illustrates that localization is not merely a technical adjustment but a practical effort to redistribute authority and embed sustainable capacity within local institutions. In doing so, Street Child translates the normative ambitions of localization into tangible practice, offering an example of how international development can more coherently align global objectives with locally driven leadership.

Challenges Ahead

Despite its growing prominence, localization remains the subject of ongoing discussion. Financial regulations, risk-averse donor practices, and entrenched hierarchies continue to shape development architecture. Meaningful localization therefore requires more than funding targets; it demands a sustained reconfiguration of relationships, incentives and accountability. It calls for trust, reciprocity, and a willingness among international actors to relinquish control that has long defined the system.

If international development is to remain faithful to its commitments to solidarity, self-determination, and shared responsibility, localization must move beyond rhetoric. It must continue evolving as a practical effort to reshape partnerships, embed authority, and empower communities and institutions closest to crises.

At its core, localization is about centering the knowledge, expertise, and agency of local actors. Communities bring unique insights, skills and solutions that are essential for sustainable, responsive, and effective interventions. Flexible funding, equitable collaboration, and investment in local capacities unlock these contributions, ensuring that programs are not only efficient but also contextually grounded.

Street Child’s work in Uganda, South Sudan, and other contexts demonstrates this principle in action. By supporting local actors to lead programs, access resources and participate in decision-making, it shows that empowered communities are more resilient, better able to respond to crises, and capable of sustaining long-term outcomes. The journey toward genuinely equitable, locally led humanitarian and development systems is arduous, but it is both necessary and possible, and it reminds us that the most effective solutions arise from those closest to the challenges, not imposed from afar.

Daniela Padilla has a M.Sc. International and Securiy Politics, Catholic University of Lille/ESPOL, France, and is a DDRN Intern

Through Education and a Camera Lens: How Street Child Brings Quality Education for All to Life

Daniela Padilla — Thu, 13 Nov 2025 12:51:34 +0000

When the United Nations adopted the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, it set out 17 ambitious goals to tackle some of the world’s most urgent challenges. Among them, Goal 4 stands out as both simple and transformative: quality education for all. Behind that promise lies the conviction that education does more than teach literacy and numeracy, it breaks cycles of poverty, reduces inequality, and empowers people to live healthier, more sustainable lives.

As UNESCO has long emphasized, education is not just a right but a catalyst. With the right opportunities to learn, people can claim their voices, shape their futures, and build more peaceful societies. Within this framework, Global Development Education plays a critical role. According to UNICEF, this approach seeks to promote a vision of reality that is interconnected and global, fostering an understanding of shared challenges and encouraging active participation in building a more just, equitable, and sustainable world. It goes beyond the mere transmission of knowledge: it is about cultivating the skills, attitudes, and values needed to face global problems and create a better future.

In this sense, Education for Sustainable Development and Global Citizenship (ESDGC) is not only an academic discipline but also a tool for social transformation. Conceived as a key process within international cooperation, it seeks to ensure meaningful citizen participation in development policies, grounded in solidarity, social justice, and human rights. Far from being isolated initiatives, ESDGC actions are part of broader, planned projects that reach diverse audiences across both the Global North and South. Supported by policymakers, institutions, and civil society, this approach helps close global gaps and unfolds in multiple spaces: from schools and universities to cultural venues, the media, and beyond.

Thus, ideas about education and empowerment are not confined to classrooms. They come to life in unexpected ways, sometimes through community initiatives, sometimes through creative expression, and sometimes, quite simply, through the lens of a camera.

FIFTEEN: A Global Exhibition Journey Reflecting Street Child’s Distinctive Approach

‘FIFTEEN: Through the Lens of the Next Generation’ embodies precisely this spirit of learning and empowerment beyond the classroom. Launched by Street Child to mark its 15th anniversary, the project placed cameras in the hands of 15-year-olds from Bangladesh, Nepal, Nigeria, Uganda, and Ukraine, inviting them to document their own worlds. From conflict zones and refugee camps to remote villages, their photographs capture what it means to be 15 in places where childhood is often shaped by uncertainty and resilience.

Street Child, founded in 2008, is one of the fastest-growing international NGOs working to ensure children are safe, in school, and learning. Present in more than 20 countries, it works to guarantee access to education and child protection in vulnerable communities across Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Europe. Its teams focus especially on regions where the challenges are greatest and existing humanitarian support is not enough, reaching children who might otherwise be left behind.

What makes Street Child’s approach distinctive is its insistence on working hand in hand with local partners, co-designing solutions that are sustainable, culturally relevant, and aligned with community priorities. In this sense, FIFTEEN is more than an art project, it embodies the very essence of education for sustainable development. The workshops, led by local photographers, gave teenagers not only technical skills but also a platform to express themselves, to tell stories of family, friendship, loss, and hope. Each image is a lesson in resilience, a reminder that empowerment begins when young people are given the tools and trust to define their own narratives.

Human rights are a prerequisite for empowering people to make sustainable choices, and equally important is ensuring participation at every level, ultimately, it is about building genuine communities. And this is precisely what Street Child does. Community is not only the focus of its programs, it is also the foundation of how the organization itself operates. Street Child works as a community and with communities, strengthening and empowering them not only in the countries where programs are delivered but also in the places where its main offices are based across Europe.

Since its foundation, Street Child has built a global network of national entities (including Street Child Spain, Italy, France, Germany, and the Netherlands) that share common values and strive for lasting structural change. Through community empowerment, the organization develops holistic projects that combine educational support, psychosocial assistance, child protection, and livelihood strengthening. Thanks to this approach, Street Child has supported more than 1.5 million children to date.

It is in this same spirit of community that the FIFTEEN exhibition has traveled beyond the countries where the photographs were taken, finding new audiences in London, Barcelona, and Italy. Each stop reflects not only the global reach of the project but also the deep connections Street Child fosters between local realities and international awareness. In London and Barcelona, the exhibition proved to be a remarkable success. In London, home to the headquarters of Street Child’s global network, the exhibition was hosted at the Oxo Gallery in October 2023. It drew strong media coverage and attracted thousands of visitors. Inside, interactive stations invited visitors to donate in support of Street Child’s work or to write a note to their 15-year-old selves, an activity that helped them reconnect with that pivotal stage of life and empathize more deeply with the young photographers behind FIFTEEN.

In Barcelona, where Street Child Spain is based, the exhibition further encouraged a critical understanding of global challenges. From September to December 2024, FIFTEEN was displayed at the Mercè Sala Gallery, located inside Diagonal metro station, one of the city’s busiest transit hubs. The project benefited from both its central location and its free admission policy. In just the first 24 days, 2,322 visitors explored the exhibition, many of whom encountered it spontaneously while commuting.

FIFTEEN was also showcased in Rome, and a selection of its images was presented in Amsterdam as part of an art gallery program. In both cities, the project continued to inspire reflection and spark dialogue, highlighting universal values such as empathy, social justice, equity and respect for human rights.

Humanitarian Aid, Development and the Grand Bargain

Development cooperation, together with education for development and humanitarian aid, can form a powerful combination, a driver of opportunities for vulnerable communities. The FIFTEEN project is a vivid example of how these elements come together to create both awareness and impact.

Yet the humanitarian sector has faced criticism. As Professor Paul B. Spiegel, an expert in humanitarian emergencies, notes, much of the debate that arose in the 1990s centered on the disconnect between emergency relief and long-term development. Humanitarian action often operated under a “short-term and reactive” model, rather than supporting resilience and sustainability. Funding was frequently centralized in large international NGOs, leaving little room for local and national actors, which perpetuated top-down systems and limited empowerment for those closest to crises.In response to these concerns, the Grand Bargain was signed in 2016 by donor countries and major international actors, including UN agencies and the Red Cross. Its goal was to make humanitarian aid more efficient, predictable, and transparent by committing to good donorship, localization, and the transfer of power to local and national organizations. While the agreement has not yet transformed the system as much as expected and progress has been slower than many hoped, Jan Egeland, Secretary General of the Norwegian Refugee Council, reminds us: ‘Progress is slow, but sure.’

Organizations like Street Child demonstrate how local and national actors can take the lead in building sustainable change and resilient communities. This global vision takes concrete form in Spain, where Street Child Spain has firmly aligned its work with the Spanish Law on International Cooperation for Sustainable Development and Global Solidarity, promoted by AECID. Convinced that Education for Sustainable Development and Global Citizenship is essential, it seeks to ensure meaningful citizen engagement through cultivating critical thinking, and on encouraging active involvement in social change. For this reason, Street Child Spain, together with its global network, not only raises awareness but also creates spaces for social participation around the right to education, gender equity, and child protection.

Through projects like FIFTEEN, Street Child demonstrates that education is not confined to classrooms or textbooks, it thrives wherever young people are given tools, trust, and a voice. By combining artistic expression, community collaboration, and global awareness, Street Child empowers children and teenagers to tell their own stories, build resilience, and inspire change. In doing so, the organization embodies the very essence of Sustainable Development Goal 4: a world where every child can learn, grow, and thrive, no matter their circumstances.

Daniela Padilla has a M.Sc. International and Securiy Politics, Catholic University of Lille/ESPOL, France, and is a DDRN Intern

Between Hope and the Brink: The Role of Civil Society in Colombia and Chile as an Agent of Political Influence

Daniela Padilla — Wed, 12 Nov 2025 07:22:58 +0000

Most Latin American countries are considered democracies with relatively high political freedom. However, this does not mean they all share the same democratic quality. As the European Parliamentary Research Service highlights, Chile ranks among the “most free and democratic countries,” while Colombia, labeled a “flawed democracy” and “partly free”, does not appear in the top ten. Despite following different historical paths and facing distinct economic and social challenges, both countries share a crucial feature: relatively high levels of civic participation. This engagement has nurtured a multi-sectoral civil society that has driven some of the region’s most impactful organizations, movements, and policy proposals.

In Latin America, civil society often acts as a political counterweight, especially where institutions are fragile, exclusive, or repressive. In Colombia and Chile, confrontations between mobilized citizens and the state have yielded mixed results: some promising, others deeply frustrating. The dominant narrative of “democratic progress” warrants greater scrutiny. Increases in participation and consultative mechanisms do not guarantee a redistribution of power. Political pluralism remains limited by entrenched structures that privilege certain actors, territories, and discourses. In this context, the formal consolidation of democracy conceals an underlying crisis of representation.

This article critically analyzes Colombia and Chile through the lens of development, focusing on the achievements and limits of civil society as a political actor. It asks not only what has changed, but also what continues to resist transformation despite decades of civic mobilization.

Civil Society as a Political Actor

The term civil society is inherently ambiguous but generally refers to the sphere between the state and the private sector. It encompasses a diverse array of organizations—civic, religious, educational, issue-oriented, and non-governmental. For many scholars, like Jan Aart Scholte -an expert in governance challenges- civic activism is a crucial democratic asset. It addresses widening democratic deficits and, particularly in fragile or conflict-ridden states, helps provide essential services and promote reconciliation.

In both Colombia and Chile, civil society has persisted despite limited support, stigmatization, and at times, outright repression. Its impact is evident in two emblematic moments: Colombia’s 2016 peace plebiscite and Chile’s 2019 social uprising. Following the rejection of the 2016 plebiscite, Colombian civil society mobilized beyond the binary “yes”/ “no” divide, demanding renegotiation and continued dialogue with the FARC. This gave rise to 54 peace-related mobilizations (including marches, sit-ins, and artistic actions) and strengthened a culture of social leadership, especially among university students.

In Chile, protests initiated by high school students over fare hikes quickly escalated into mass mobilizations demanding systemic reform. Citizens voiced frustrations over inequality, inadequate public services, and the lingering legacy of dictatorship. One core demand was a new constitution, which led to a national referendum and the subsequent election of a leftist President. However, in both cases, civic momentum has not fully translated into structural change. In Colombia, inequality persists, security remains fragile, and peace negotiations with other armed groups have faltered. In Chile, despite early optimism, the new constitutional draft was ultimately rejected.

Colombian Civil Society: The Invisible Linchpin of Peace Building

Colombian civil society has long advocated for better public policies, transparency, and victims’ rights, especially where state institutions have fallen short. Over time, it has become a diverse and multi-sectoral actor that amplifies the voices of displaced people, women, Afro-Colombian and Indigenous groups, youth, and victims of violence.

According to the independent Colombian journal “Rutas del Conflicto”, during the peace process with the FARC, civil society, particularly human rights organizations, played a central role in pushing for negotiated solutions and post-conflict justice. A landmark example is the opening of Macro-Case 11 by the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) in July 2022. This case, the result of years of advocacy by women, LGBTQ+ individuals, and rights groups, seeks to investigate sexual and gender-based violence committed by all armed actors.

This success illustrates how civil society can shape institutional agendas when there is political will. Yet, serious challenges persist. Attacks on social leaders, activists, and organizations, especially in remote regions, continue unabated. The presence of armed groups and limited state protection further restrict meaningful participation, while many grassroots struggles remain invisible due to geographic and media marginalization.

Chilean Social Movements: Drivers of Limited Successes

Chile, often lauded for its democratic freedoms, saw those rights curtailed during the 2019 social uprising, when security forces responded to mass protests with widespread repression and human rights violations. Nonetheless, the movement endured and expanded. Sparked by student protests over fare hikes, it soon grew into a national call for deep structural change, targeting inequality, low wages, and weak public services. A central demand was the drafting of a new constitution to replace the one inherited from the Pinochet dictatorship.

In response, a multi-party agreement in 2021 led to the election of a Constitutional Convention with strong civil society participation. The convention achieved notable milestones, such as gender parity and Indigenous representation—an example of inclusive democratic innovation. However, the momentum faltered. In the 2022 national referendum, nearly 62% of voters rejected the proposed constitution. While civic activism helped bring the process into being, it could not secure its approval.

Analysts cite several factors: lack of sustained political support, an aggressive media campaign framing the draft as radical, and societal resistance to reforms such as legal abortion, gender parity, and Indigenous autonomy. More broadly, the defeat exposed a cultural and symbolic divide. Without widespread civic education or a unifying national narrative, even robust mobilization can fail to consolidate change. The Chilean case underscores that beyond institutional access; civil society must also contest the terrain of cultural legitimacy.

Toward Critical Development: Civil Society and Resistance from the Margins

The cases of Colombia and Chile illustrate that a strong, independent civil society is essential to democratic life—but not sufficient for deep, structural transformation. Despite its central role in shaping policies and demanding justice, civil society still operates within institutional frameworks largely controlled by entrenched political and economic elites. Milestones such as Colombia’s Macro-Case 11, Chile’s constitutional process, and the election of reformist leaders reflect significant civic influence. Yet, without sustained protection for activists and mechanisms for real power redistribution, these victories remain fragile.

In both countries, the most transformative forces often emerge from the margins—led by Indigenous women, youth, rural communities, and LGBTQ+ collectives- actors historically excluded from formal politics and dominant narratives. Their resistance has not only exposed systemic failures but also reimagined the boundaries of democratic participation. However, this “resistance from the margins” continues to be under-recognized, underfunded, and vulnerable.

A truly critical approach to development requires shifting the lens away from institutional performance or technocratic benchmarks toward the lived realities and political struggles of those challenging injustice on the ground. It means understanding democracy not just as a system of procedures, but as an ongoing contest over meaning, legitimacy, and inclusion. International cooperation must evolve accordingly. Rather than imposing depoliticized agendas, it must support political and ethical alliances that respect local autonomy and align with grassroots visions of justice. Civil society needs more than financial aid; it needs committed accompaniment across the full spectrum of struggle: from protest to policy, from mobilization to institutional change.

In short, civil society in Colombia and Chile has been a crucial force for denouncing inequality, expanding participation, and envisioning alternative futures. But its capacity to transform the system remains constrained by the very structures it seeks to reform. Recognizing this tension is not a defeatist gesture, it is the starting point for imagining more honest, strategic, and radical forms of civic engagement.

Daniela Padilla has a M.Sc. International and Securiy Politics, Catholic University of Lille/ESPOL, France, and is a DDRN Intern

Decolonizing Global History: Integrating Latin American Perspectives for Inclusive Historical Narratives

Daniela Padilla — Sun, 09 Mar 2025 10:42:42 +0000

Globalization has greatly changed modern societies, altering how we view space and time. This increasing interconnectedness has expanded social interactions and created a shared understanding of time and space, which in turn has shaped the way we study history, a field that is closely tied to these concepts. Global history, at its core, examines connections between diverse historical spaces and the interplay of time periods.

Rather than being a “planetary” or “history of everything,” global history focuses on processes, connections, and integration. It invites us to broaden our perspectives, foster dialogue, and engage with the world in its “diverse colors,” as scholar Matthew Brown suggests. This approach is particularly crucial for understanding regions like Latin America, where societies have been profoundly shaped by interactions with other parts of the world.

French historian Fernand Braudel observed that historical analysis has traditionally been grounded in Eurocentric frameworks rooted in European intellectual traditions from the 15th to 18th centuries. This perspective has often depicted Latin Americans as passive victims rather than active contributors to global history, with their pre-1950s history largely overlooked. The rise of global history in the 1990s, driven by the end of the bipolar world order and accelerating globalization, sought to create a more inclusive historiography (De Lima Grecco & Schuster, 2020: 425). However, despite global history flourishing in Europe, the United States, and Asia, its presence in Latin America remains somewhat marginal.

Since the 19th and 20th centuries, Latin American historians and interdisciplinary scholars have worked to integrate the region’s history into global narratives, challenging Eurocentrism and calling for a reorientation of historical knowledge (De Lima Grecco & Schuster, 2020: 430). Despite these efforts, Latin America still occupies a peripheral position in global history. Often overshadowed by narratives focused on networks and connections, the region is treated as “a star among many in the firmament of global history,” yet its unique contributions remain underexplored.

Scholars like De Lima Grecco and Schuster argue that many categories used by global historians fail to fully capture Latin America’s diverse historical realities. This limitation arises not from academic nationalism but from the methodological and conceptual frameworks employed to understand the region’s history. Historian Jeremy Adelman critiques the global turn as often seeming like another Anglophone invention, where non-European perspectives are incorporated into inherently Eurocentric narratives. These voices are frequently filtered through English, presenting a “dubbed” version of their original context. To avoid perpetuating exclusion, global history must address its Anglocentrism by embracing greater academic openness. As Matthew Brown and Sebastian Conrad stress, English should not dominate scholarly discourse, as its hegemony marginalizes other historiographic traditions and restricts non-English speakers from fully expressing or defending their ideas.

The linguistic dominance of English has substantial implications for global history. While European and U.S. historians of Latin America have increasingly acquired Spanish and Portuguese language skills for archival research, Latin American historians have been slower to access sources in other languages, particularly English. This linguistic gap has contributed to a more regional and parochial approach to scholarship, limiting authentic intellectual exchange. Paradoxically, the globalization of academia has reinforced the Global North’s dominance in historiographical production. Nonetheless, recent efforts show progress, as Latin American historians develop language skills and engage with diverse cultural and historiographical perspectives, offering the potential for a more balanced and inclusive global history.

Latin American Historiography in Action: The Socio-Political and Cultural Contributions of Colombia, Ecuador, and Brazil

Efforts to integrate Latin America into global history have underscored the region’s profound socio-political and cultural contributions, particularly in countries like Colombia and Brazil. Historians and intellectuals such as Gilberto Freyre and Jaime Jaramillo have been instrumental in challenging Eurocentric narratives, advocating for the recognition of diverse sources, methodologies, and perspectives beyond Europe and the United States. Their work, alongside that of many other Latin American scholars, has emphasized the global significance of non-Western regions in shaping modernity and historical processes. As explored in this discussion, Latin American historiography has engaged deeply with themes such as race, cultural exchange, music, and social practices, placing the region at the center of global historical inquiry rather than at its margins.

For instance, Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre revolutionized the study of ethnic and cultural hybridization with his seminal work Casa-Grande & Senzala (1933). His insights explore the intersections of European, indigenous, and African cultures in Brazil, challenging traditional historical narratives and contributing to postcolonial and global history discussions. Freyre’s work is foundational to the “microhistory of globalization,” offering a framework to understand cultural exchanges on a global scale.

By addressing topics like language, food, and housing, Freyre framed Brazil’s colonial past as a site of global interaction, illustrating how its identity was shaped through cultural exchanges. His concepts of hybridization and mestizaje enrich global history by introducing Latin American perspectives that reinterpret global phenomena.

Another valuable contribution emerges from studies on nation-building in Latin America, particularly by Colombian historians. Frederic Martínez’s Cosmopolitan Nationalism explores the relationship between Colombia and Europe, analyzing the exchange of ideas and cultural influences between the two continents. These interactions were key in shaping Colombian national identity through transnational contacts. Latin American historiography has thus cultivated a tradition of dialogue between local events and global processes, blending unity with diversity.

Many Colombian historians emphasize the importance of interpreting Colombia’s history within a globalized context. They argue that global systems can be analyzed while maintaining academic rigor, focusing on how modern concepts of identity intersect with broader social and political practices. Historians such as Juan Camilo Rodríguez and Jaime Jaramillo contribute to this approach through works like Travel literature as a historical source and The vision of others: Colombia seen by foreign observers in the 19th century. Jaramillo’s analysis of travel writings offers valuable insights into political, economic, and cultural developments in 19th-century Colombia.

Yet, despite the promise of this approach, there are significant challenges. In parts of Latin America, history departments remain focused on national perspectives in their research and curricula. A striking example of this is Ecuador’s first secular school, the Instituto Nacional Mejía, which, established in 1897, created a clear division between Historia Nacional (National History) and Historia Universal (World History)—a separation that still influences educational structures today. This divide, Brown suggests, reflects the deep influence of historians’ professional loyalties, training, and institutional affiliations (Brown, 2015). The discipline’s gradual shift from national to global perspectives highlights the difficulty in responding to the complexities of a rapidly globalizing world.

Recent trends in global history show promising progress, with historical journals increasingly exploring neighboring countries and integrating innovations from diverse linguistic and cultural contexts (Brown, 2015). The challenge, however, lies in balancing participation in global scholarly discourse with amplifying local voices in their own languages. Achieving this balance is essential for fostering an inclusive exchange of knowledge and shaping a Latin American historiography that remains globally informed yet firmly rooted in regional realities.

Crafting a more balanced history—one that neither marginalizes underrepresented voices nor glorifies dominant narratives—remains a complex but essential task. While global history has made notable progress in decentering Eurocentric perspectives, much remains to be done. The goal is to develop explanatory models that truly reflect the diversity and interconnectedness of the past. This endeavor requires continuous reflection, methodological innovation, and active engagement with perspectives often sidelined in mainstream historiographies, paving the way for a more inclusive, human-centered understanding of history.

Daniela Padilla has a M.Sc. International and Securiy Politics, Catholic University of Lille/ESPOL, France, and is a DDRN Intern

To further explore this topic and deepen your understanding of the complex interplay between global and Latin American history, here are some recommended articles and books:

Bridging the Divide: The Role of Human Rights in Colombian Police Reform

Daniela Padilla — Sun, 01 Dec 2024 01:00:08 +0000

In April 2021, widespread protests erupted across Colombia due to dissatisfaction with a tax reform proposal, economic inequality, police violence, and limited public services. The demonstrations continued for weeks, met by the National Police and Mobile Anti-Riot Squad (ESMAD). Razon Publica reported numerous instances of excessive force, attracting attention from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights by June 2021. International organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch condemned the police violence; Human Rights Watch reported 68 deaths, and OHCHR documented over 60 allegations of sexual violence by law enforcement.

These events prompted calls for police reform, particularly in oversight and accountability. In response, the National Police introduced reforms to rebuild public trust, creating community policing units and engaging with communities through meetings. Yet, these changes are part of a larger cultural transformation within the National Police, intended to better align training and practices with community needs.

In 2023, during my internship with the Defense Criminal Investigation Unit (UID) in Bogota, Colombia, I observed these reforms firsthand. This internship, part of my Master’s program in International and Security Politics at the Catholic University of Lille in France, focused on creating resources to promote human rights in police training. Through collaboration with the Ministry of Education, international NGOs, security and pedagogy experts, I supported initiatives designed to integrate human rights standards into police operations, emphasizing conflict resolution and peaceful engagement.

The UID advises public institutions on issues related to criminal investigation, human rights, and security. It collaborates with the National Police, National Army, Attorney General’s Office, and educational institutions, providing training in public security, criminology, and judicial investigation. My role involved developing curriculum materials to embed human rights in police education, emphasizing peaceful conflict management aligned with national and international standards.

Key Observations and Discussions on Police Reform and Human Rights Education

Reflecting on my experience, I found police reform most effective when paired with public education initiatives. To transform the relationship between Colombian society and law enforcement, human rights education must reach beyond academia to the general public, reshaping social values and fostering empathy for law enforcement personnel.

Discussions revealed a need to view police duties as enhancing citizens well-being rather than just maintaining order. The National Police can regain public trust through transparent, community-centered policing, but must also tackle deeper cultural dynamics and informal power structures affecting public perceptions.

During my internship, I participated in several events that highlighted the complexities of human rights training for police forces. One focus group gathered experts in international humanitarian law, law enforcement, and public policy to assess whether the theoretical knowledge imparted to police officers was sufficient to ensure compliance in practice. The discussions underscored the unique social context of Colombia and the need to dismantle the false dichotomy between security and human rights, emphasizing the importance of emotional intelligence in police work.

Another notable event was an international seminar titled Security and Democratic Life in Latin America, organized by the International Institute of Humanitarian Law (IIHL) in partnership with Colombian and Italian agencies. This seminar brought together experts from across Latin America to share experiences on police training, offering comparative insights into the interplay between police operations, international humanitarian law, and human rights standards. The seminar reinforced the idea that advancing human rights within police institutions is not solely an institutional responsibility; it requires shifts in social attitudes and community engagement. Recommendations included community policing strategies that promote trust and active citizen participation in shaping law enforcement policies.

A final forum at Bogota’s Police Education headquarters revealed a willingness among some senior police officials to acknowledge gaps in police education, particularly regarding emotional management and ethics. Many officials expressed concerns about the disconnect between theoretical training and Colombia’s social realities, emphasizing the need for new recruits to receive courses on social coexistence and peaceful conflict resolution. A recurring theme was the need to “decontaminate” recruits from prior experiences in violence-prone environments. For many, police work is pursued more for economic and social advancement than for civic duty, necessitating a focus on emotional well-being and moral integrity.

International Perspectives and Conclusions on Policing in Latin America

For genuine reform to take hold, police training must embrace critical thinking about both the explicit curriculum and the “hidden curriculum”—the implicit beliefs and values passed down within the institution. This was a point of contention during a focus group with police officers and human rights experts, where opinions diverged on the need for critical thinking as a core component of training. Some senior officers resisted this approach, fearing it could undermine institutional hierarchy, while others argued that a rigid structure hindered internal communication and blurred the lines between military and community-oriented police roles.

In conclusion, instilling critical thinking and self-reflection within police training is essential for advancing human rights and restoring community trust in law enforcement. The UID’s project, though ambitious, often clashed with entrenched institutional values, including gender stereotypes and a masculinized perception of police work. Addressing these issues at a systemic level involves questioning how internalized values affect police interactions with marginalized groups and whether they perpetuate inequality and a lack of empathy in policing. As emphasized by the UNODC, transparency and openness to scrutiny are foundational to effective and legitimate policing. Only when officers are trained in empathy, emotional resilience, and critical self-assessment can they truly embody a community-oriented ethos that fosters genuine trust and collaboration with Colombian society.

Ultimately, achieving public confidence in law enforcement is a domino effect that begins with providing officers with high-quality, comprehensive education that respects legal standards and human needs. A police force trained with empathy and accountability will foster a community that views law enforcement not as a distant authority but as an integral and supportive part of society.

International agencies have been instrumental in providing financial and technical assistance. For example, the UID project received support from USAID, which provided resources and expertise. However, as noted by Nilsson and Jonsson in their 2022 study, international involvement must align with local realities; police officers in conflict-affected countries often operate under challenging socioeconomic conditions that differ significantly from those faced by international police trainers. This underscores the importance of a combined “top-down and bottom-up” approach that considers both institutional reforms and the lived experiences of police officers.

In summary, integrating human rights principles into police education is crucial for promoting a culture of accountability and community engagement. Sustainable change requires ongoing assessment and enhancement of educational programs, especially for vulnerable and minority groups. Adopting gender-sensitive training, as highlighted by the UNODC, can foster community-oriented policing by ensuring that policies reflect the needs of diverse populations and strengthen public trust. A gender-inclusive approach involves engaging community stakeholders and promoting equal representation within the police force, reinforcing both formal and informal oversight mechanisms.

The National Police’s training programs should emphasize not only human rights and community service but also the internal dynamics within the police. Officers operating in a supportive, rights-respecting environment are more likely to provide compassionate, high-quality service to citizens. As Bell and Eski observe, police officers, like civilians, are entitled to fundamental human rights, and wearing a uniform does not mean they forfeit these rights. Improving officers’ mental well-being benefits both the officers themselves and the communities they serve.

In Colombia, the deep-rooted association of security with force and military efficiency makes it challenging to transition to a community-centered policing model. Although community policing units have been set up nationwide, officers still require further training to strengthen their skills in community engagement. Merely being visible in neighborhoods isn’t enough to build lasting trust; true community policing demands commitment and consistent, meaningful interaction. For many Colombians, the police are still seen as adversarial forces focused on control rather than fostering genuine community bonds, as recent studies suggest. Repairing this relationship is essential to advancing peace in post-conflict Colombia, where trust between police and citizens remains fragile. The recent clashes during protests highlight just how delicate this relationship is—and how easily it can unravel without sustained efforts to nurture trust on both sides.

Daniela Padilla has a M.Sc. International and Securiy Politics, Catholic University of Lille/ESPOL, France, and is a DDRN Intern